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THE
AMERICAN JOURNAL
OF
SEMITIC LANGUAGES
AND LITERATURES
(CONTINUING "HEBRAICA")
VOLUME XVI
OCTOBER, J899-JULY, J900
CHICAQO, JLJj.
Ci)e Stnibersits of <Eri)(caso ^testis
LONDON: Luzao & Co., 46 Great RusseU St LBIPZIO: K. F. KOhleb's
Amtiquabium, Eurprinzstrasse, 6.
$3.00 A YEAR (Four Numbers). 75 CENTS A SINGLE NUMBER.
Foreign Subsobiptions : — Oreai Britain, 14 shiUinga. Germany y 14 Marks.
France and other countries, 18 francs.
The Joomal wlU be discontinned at the expiration of the inbBoriptioii.
EnUred ai tk* Poti Office cU Chieago^ Jit., <m aecomdrcloM mall matter.
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y
,THENEWYOKK
PUBLIC LIBRARY
^?I^^f LENOX AND
TILDEN FOUN0ATKJW8
■I 1901 L
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TABLE OF CONTENTS.
OOTOBSB, 1600.
I. nbO. ByBmUieOraceBriggB. l-2»
n. Oh ▲ Pabsaob nr the Babtlonian Nimbod Bpzo. By Ohrittopker Johmttem, 90-M
III. A Stbiao-Ababio Nabbatztb of Mikaoljw ov Jbsub. By W, ScoU TToteoA. 87-46
rV. Thb Imtbbpbbtatiom OF 6bn. 6:8. By George Richer Berry, - • • 47-49
y. COVTBIBUTHD NOTM 50-58
The Aisyrian Word maiftrn or macarrn. By George R. Berry^ 60.—
A Note on Isaiah 8:6. By 8, N, Deinard^ 51.— MohammedB Lehre tod der
Offenbamng. (Brwideron^ an Herm Profeeaor Ihinoan B. Macdonald.)
ByDr,OttoPautM,SZ.
YI. Book Nonoxs. 5(M4
Kreogel, Das HansgerAt in der llifinah, M, BuUenwieeer, 60.— Wri^t, A
Ghrammar of the Arabic Lancruage, Duncan B, Macdonald^ 60.
YII. Supplsmbht: Theologieal and Semitic Literature. i-ZTi
JAjrXTABT, 1000.
L BOMB GONTBAOTS OF THB PbBSXAH PbBIOD FBOM THB Kh* GOLLXOTIOM OF
THB Uniybbbitt OF PBHMSTLVAHIA. By GecTge A. Barton, - - 65-82
n. A Gbammab of THB Abamaio Idiom oontainbd in thb Babtlonian
Talmud, ni (concluded). By C. Leviae, 88-100
IIL A Collation of thb Gospbl Text of Aphbaatbs with that of thb
SiNAino, CUBBTONIAN, AND Pbbhitta Text. By JuUtu A, Bewer, - 110-128
IV. Gontbibuthd Notb8. 124
Mohammeds Lehre Ton der Qffenbarong. A Final Beplj. By Duncan B,
Macdonald,
y. Book Notiobs. 125-128
Payne Smith, A Compendious Syriac Dictionary, R. D. WiUon^ 125.—
Buchholtz, Gtoschichte der Juden in Riga bis snr BegrOndong der Bigischen
Hebiftergemeinde im J. 1842, /. M. CaeanowicMt 127.
YI. Sitpplbmbnt: Theological and Semitic Literature. i-zyi
AFBTL, 1000.
I. Thb Doctbinb of Fbbbdom nr thb (obJLn. By Walter M, P<Uton, • • 129-144
n. N0TB8 ON THB Composition of 2 Samubl. By Stanley A. Cook, - - 145-177
m. Thbeb Inscbiptions of Nabopolassab, Kino of Babylonia (B. C. 625-
604). By PretionP, Bruce. 178-186
IV. Contbibutbd N0TB8. 187,188
The Syriac-Arabic Narrative of the Miracles of Jesus. By Charlee C.
Torrey,
v. Book Noticbs. 189-192
Carl Niebnhr, Die Amama-Zeit ; Frangois Thureau-Dangin, Beoherches sur
rOrigine de I'^riture Cun6iforme. Supplement It la' I'* Partie, Ira M,
Price, 189.— Samuel Krauss, Qriechische nnd Lateinische LehnwOrter im
Talmud, Ifidrasch, und Targum, Teil U, C. Levia*^ 190.
VI. Supplement: Theological and Semitic Literature. i-xxxii
iii
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iv Table op Contents
juiiT, leoo.
I. Thb Ubdc awd THUMMDf. A SoggostioQ at to their Original Nature and
Significance. By W, MM$9-Amolt. ....... 196-224
n. Aw Aeabio Ybbsion of thb Bpistlb of Diontbiub thx Abbopaoitb to
TmOTHT. By W, 8coU IFotton. 225-241
m. Thb Stobt of Ahxxab and thb Boob of Damibl. By George A, BarUm, • 242-247
IV. Bttmolooioal Notbs. By C, Leviae. 248-251
y. Boob Notiobs. 252-2B6
J. Dynelej Prince, A Critical Commentary on the Book of Daniel, AUjU
Bdrt<h 252.— Strack, Dai Bint im Glanben und Abergianben der Menschheit,
C. LevioM^ 258.— GnataT Sohleednger, Die altfranaOaiBchen WOrter im
Machsor Yitry, Leo Wiener ^ 254.— Salomon Bnber, Ifidraach Beha Bab-
bathi, and Jalknt Maehiri, G, Denteeh, 254.
VI. Gbmbbal Ibdbx. 257-288
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THE AMERICAN JOURNAL
OF
SEMITIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES
(CONTINUING "HEBRAICA")
VoLUMB XVI OCTOBER, 1899 Number 1
nbo.
By Emilie Grace Brioos,
New York. N. Y.
There have been many attempts in recent years to discover
the clue to the meaning and nse of tnbo . The presence of this
word in the Old Testament, and the fact that a knowledge of its
meaning would cast light upon more than one of the critical
problems of the Psalter, give to every such attempt a peculiar
interest and value. A fresh study is here undertaken of the facts
concerning flbo , the ancient traditions as to its meaning, and the
modem conjectures as to its use.
I. THE FAOTS OONOEBNING SELAH.
Selah is used 1) in the Old Testament, 2) in the Psalms of
Solomon, 3) in the Jewish Liturgy.
1. The Old Testament. — Selah is found 74 times in the Old
Testament; namely, 71 times in the Psalter and thrice in the
Prayer of Habakkuk.
The Septuagint varies from the Massoretic text in its use of
this word. Jlbo is there represented by BidyltaXfia, excepting in
Ps. 9:17, where Slbo ■(i'^an = ^ im'^^aKimro^. But SidyltaXfia
appears in verses and even in psalms where Jlbo is lacking.
Again it is omitted in verses where the Hebrew text leads one to
expect it. However, as SLd^jtaXfia is never entirely wanting in a
psalm which in the Hebrew contains flbo, the list of Selah
psalms is longer for the LXX than for the Massoretic text. In
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2 Hebbaioa
the Greek Psalter Selah appears 75 times in 43 psalms. In
Habakkuk there is no variation to be noticed.
Dr. B. Jacob {ZATW,, 1896, pp. 131-6) examines the versions
for their nse of Selah. He claims that the various manuscripts
collected in Holmes-Paraons, Tom. Ill, yield a number of new
examples,namely, Pss. 2:4, 5; 6:4; 7:9,13; 21:6; 30:4; 31:22;
37:4; 68:4a, 14, 15, 32; 70:3, 5 ; 84:8; 88:13 ; 107:30; 119:19
[BiairavT(k ?). Some of these he regards as cases of dittography ;
t. e., Pss. 2:5 ; 68:15, 32; 84:8. Others he retains as represent-
ing an original Selah, which has fallen out of the Hebrew text.
He gives also from the Psalterium Vetus the following additional
Selahs: Pss. 2:6; 19:5a (semper f); 68:4, 14, 17, 26; 115:3. Of
these 2:6; 19:5, and 115:3 are marked as doubtful cases. 2:6
may be a case of dittography; 19:5 may not stand for Selah;
115:3 is questionable, if only because Ps. 115 is one of the Hallels,
and Selah is conspicuously absent from the Hallels and from the
fourth book of the Psalter. Thus Dr. Jacob adds some twenty
Selahs to those preserved in the Massoretic text, concluding:
" dass ftlr diese S. kein anderer Grund erfindlich ist, als wirkliche
Ueberlieferung aus reicherem H [= Mass,'\ durch einen treueren
Archetypus als selbst B [= Vaticanus] ist" {loc. cit., p. 135).
The use of Selah in the Psalter is shown by the following
table. The list of examples from the LXX is complete according
to the concordance of Hatch and Redpath, which has been fol-
lowed without reference to variations in the MSS. Examples of
omission, transposition, and addition on the part of the LXX may
be easily found by a comparison of the Massoretic with the LXX
column. In the columns headed H.-P. and Ps. Vet., only those
citations are presented which add to the list of Selahs in the
Hebrew text. A question mark has been placed after all exam-
ples discredited by Dr. Jacob. In citing from the LXX it has
been necessary to follow the Hebrew numbering for the psalms
in order to a comparison between the texts.
A glance at the table is sufficient to show that the Selah
psalms are widely separated as to date of composition. As they
belong to different periods in the history of the formation of the
Psalter, they do not by their date help us to discover the period
to which Selah belongs. But a study of the titles of the Selah
psalms has proved fruitful. Professor Briggs in a recent article
has made an "inductive study of Selah in connection with the
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nbo
USE OF SELAH IN THE PSALTEB
aooobdino to thb bcass. and lxx, with additional examples fbom
hexapla and psaltbrium vbtu8.
Table of Comparison.
aln
1 2
tt
3
u
4
u
6
it
7
(1
9
(«
19
«t
20
«
21
it
24
tt
30
it
31
i»
32
it
34
u
37
it
39
a
44
tt
46
tt
47
n
48
a
49
tt
50
it
52
it
54
tt
55
t<
57
tt
59
It
60
tt
61
67.
68.
70.
75.
76.
77.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
87.
94.
107.
115.
119.
140.
143.
Mass.
3. 5, 9
3, 5
6
17, 21
4
3
6. 10
4, 5, 7
6. 12
9
4, 8, 12
5
9
14, 16
6
5, 7
5
8,20
4, 7
6, 14
6
56
5, 9
4, 7.15
2, 5
8,20, 33
4
4, 10
4, 10, 16
8
2
9
5, 9
3
3, 6
8, 11
5, 38, 46, 49
4. 6, 9
6
LXX.
2
3, 5
3, 5
6
17.
21
4
3
6
4,
5.
7
11
6. 12
9
4, 8
5
9
14, 16
6, 15
5, 7
5
8. 20
3, 4, 7
6, 14
6
5a
6, 9
4, 7,15
2, 5
4a, 8, 14, 20. 33
4
4, 10
4, 10, 16
8
8
2
9
5, 9
3
3, 6
8
5, 38, 46, 49
15(?)
4, 6, 9
6
H..P.
4, 5(?)
4
9a, 13a
4
22
15(?),32(?)
3, 5
8(?)
i3* ' '
30(?)
i9(?j"
Ps. Vet.
6(?)
6a(?)
17, 26
3(?)
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4 Hebbaica
titles of the Psalms," which leads to the conclusion " that there is
a close connection between TOO and the Psalters of Asaph and
the Korahites, but not with the Psalter of David, which precedes
them, or the Psalters of the Elohist and the Director, which follow
them." For this and other reasons the use of Selah is placed
"subsequent to the collection of the Davidic Psalter and previous
to the editing of the Director's Psalter, in the times of the chron-
icler, in the late Persian period or beginning of the Greek
period."*
Professor Briggs distinguishes between an early and a late use
of Selah in the Psalter, attributing to the latter the additional
examples furnished by the versions, the LXX included. Among
these Selahs the only examples regarded by him as ancient are
those in Pss. 50, 68, and 80 ; Pss. 50 and 68 belonging to a group
of Selah psalms in the Hebrew Psalter, and Ps. 80 showing certain
of the characteristics of a Selah psalm.
Selah appears elsewhere in the Old Testament only in Hab.
3:3, 9, 13. The LXX here agrees with the Massoretic text; but
in the Hexapla (866) a fourth Bid^jtaXfia stands at the close of
vs. 14, while ek rdXo^ takes the place of Sidy^aXfui in vs. 13.
Dr. Graetz, in the introduction to his commentary on the
Psalms, compares Hab., chap. 3, with Jon. 2:3-10 and 1 Sam.
1 : 1-10, and suggests that these are remnants of lost psalms. The
liturgical character of this chapter is generally recognized by
scholars, and the tendency is to attribute to it a date much later
than the time of the prophet whose name it bears. The subscrip-
tion nSDab shows that it was included in the Director's Psalter.
2. The Psalms of Solomon, — Selah, as represented by Bid-
ylraX/jMy occurs in two of the Psalms of Solomon ; namely, in Pss.
17:31; 18:10. In the introduction to the edition of Ryle and
James (Cambridge, 1891) it is maintained that "Pompey's cap-
ture of Jerusalem is the historical event to which Pss. 1, 2, 8, 17
refer ;" that " judging from the detailed character of the allusions,
the historical psalms must have beeA composed not very long after
the events which they describe ;" that "there is nothing in the style
or contents of the other psalms to separate them in respect of date
of composition from those which are definitely historical in color-
ing ;" and finally that "in assigning the years B. 0. 70 and B. 0.
40- as the extreme limits of date within which our psalms were
1 Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. XVIII, Part I.
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nbo 5
written, we keep securely within the bounds of probability. ' (For
the whole argument see pp. xxxvii-xliv.)
It is also stated, as the result of the inquiries made concern-
ing the origin of the book, that it is a product of "pharisaic
Judaism of Jerusalem in the middle of the last century B. 0."
(p. lix). It is argued, for this and other reasons, that these
psalms are Greek translations of a Hebrew original. The argu-
ments are strong, especially the one based upon the language
(c/. pp. Ixxvii-lxxxvii) . They leave little room for doubt as to the
accuracy of the statement. The view is shared with the majority
of modem scholars, such as Geiger, Wellhausen, Schtlrer.
A comparison of these psalms with the Jewish literature of
the period, more especially with Baruch, leads to the conclusion
"that the Psalms of Solomon had been turned into Greek some
considerable time before A. D. 70," and that they are probably
"anterior in date to the whole New Testament literature" {loc.
cit., p. Ixxvii) .
3. The Jewish Liturgy, — There is nothing surprising in the
appearance of Selah in the Jewish Prayer Book, so long as it is
confined to quotations from the Hebrew Psalter. The Selah
psalms, which are quoted entire, are the following : 3, 4, 20, 24,
32, 46, 48, 67, 68, 81-84. In every case the use of nbo cor-
responds exactly with that of the Massoretic text, as indeed we
should expect. But nbo occurs also frequently (and I think
uniformly) in brief quotations of one or more verses, where it
occurs in the psalm from which the quotation is made. This is
true even when the verse quoted stands in the midst of a com-
posite prayer, such as that appointed for the Habdalah service,
which reads as follows :
Behold God is my salvation ; I will trust and will not be afraid :
for Jah the Lord is my strength and song, and he is become my salva-
tion. Therefore with joy shall ye draw water out of the wells of salvation.
Salvation belongeth unto the Lord ; thy blessing be upon thy people.
(Selah.) The Lord of hosts is with us ; the God of Jacob is our refuge.
(Selah,) The Jews had light and joy and gladness and honor. So be
it with us, etc.
It is evident that, whether or not the compilers of the Jewish
Liturgy understood (or thought that they understood) the mean-
ing of nbo , they regarded it as a component of the sacred text,
and therefore never to be omitted.
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6 Hbbbaioa
But in addition to these examples there are some eight or
nine other instances of the use of nbo , which are not so easily
explained.
It occurs in the iTtto HTfUW (Benedictions 3 and 18). Of
this ancient Jewish prayer Dr. Zunz (in Die gottesdienatlichen
Vortrdge der JudeUj 1892) writes as follows :
Derselben Autoritftt [den Mftnnem der grossen Synagoge] gehOrt
angeblich die Abfassung und EinffiLhrung der schon in der Mischna
beschriebenen Gebete Schemah und Thefilla. (ribsfl "das Gebet," auch
unter dem Namen rnW Tn^OW " oc^teeTin " bekannt.) Was zunftchst
die letztere betrifft, so hat sie Wendungen, die der Zeit des grossen
Vereins unmOglich zugehOren kOnnen, und bei etwas genauerer Betrach-
tung sollte man dieselbe als die Arbeit 5 bis 6 verschiedener Epochen
anerkennen. Als der ftlteste Bestandtheil erscheint mir das, die 3 ersten
und die 3 letzen Segensprdche umfassende, St1!lck. Seiner gedenkt die
Mischna mit eigenen, die einzelnen Spr&che bezeichnenden, Benen-
nungen, und einige Ausdr&cke (D]p£!> SlbD) darin erinnem an das
Buch Esther und die ftltesten Glossatoren der Psalmen .... Nichts
yerrftth eine tiefere Jugend, vielmehr konnte die Ankunft des ErlOsers
auch w&hrend der Zeit des zweiten Tempels, ztunal unter der Herrschaft
der Syrer, erflehet werden Die Sprache passt ftlr die Zeit des
Hohenpriesters Simeon. Endlich ist die uralte Einrichtung, wonach
jenes Sttick alien Tagen des Jahres bestimmt ist, wfthrend die ftbrigen
Theile der Thefilla von den Sabbat- und Festtagen ausgeschlossen
bleiben, ein ziemlich deutliches Merkmal hOheren Alters. (Loc. cit,
pp. 379, 880.)
Compare with this Dr. Schtlrer's testimony as to the age of
this portion of the Jewish Liturgy :
Aus dem Inhalt dieses Gebetes erhellt, dass es seine endgtdtige
Form erst nach der ZerstOrung Jerusalems, also nach dem J. 70 n. Chr.,
erhalten hat. Denn es setzt in seiner 14. und 17. Beracha die ZerstOrung
der Stadt und das AufhOren des Opferdienstes voraus. Andererseits
wird es schon in der Mischna unter dem Namen tyyt^y HSi^TD citirt
(Berachoth IV :3; Taanith 11:2), und es wird erwfthnt, dass bereits R.
Gamaliel II, R. Josua, R. Akiba und R. Elieser, also lauter AutoritAten
aus dem Anfang des zweiten Jahrhunderts, dar&ber verhandelten, ob
man die sAmmtlichen 18 Danksagungen oder nur einen Auszug daraus
tftglich zu beten habe (Berachoth IV: 3), sowie dar&ber, in welcher
Weise die Zus&tze wfthrend der Regenzeit und am Sabbath einzuschalten
und in welcher Form es am Neujahrstage zu beten sei. (Berachoth V: 2 ;
Rosch haschana IV: 5 ; Taanith 1:1,2.) Demnach muss es seine jetzige
Gestalt im Wesentlichen um d. J. 70-100 n. Chr. erhalten haben, und es
ist mit Sicherheit anzunehmen, dass die Grundlage des Gebetes noch
erheblich Alter ist. Bestfttigt wird dieser Resultat durch die bestimmte
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nbo • 7
talmudische Nachricht, dass Simon der BaumwoUhftndler zu Jabne zur
Zeit R. Gamaliel's II die 18 Danksagimgen nach ihrer Reihenfolge
geordnet habe, und dass Samuel der Eleine auf R. Gamaliel's Aufforde-
rung noch das Gebet gegen die Abtr&nnigen (D'^STQ) eingeschaltet habe,
weshalb es eben nicht 18, sondem 19 Abschnitte seien. (Berachoih 28&.)
(Schftier's Qeschichte des JUdischen Volkes, Vol. II, p. 386.)
Two Selahs appear in the prayers preceding the Shema in the
morning service. The first stands in the prayer beginning bs
nj"5 biia 'JJ^'^S ; the second in the one beginning PIS'I rOTIS
^TlbS ■*■* ^SFOriK.' The first of these prayers in its earliest
form dates back probably to Mishna times at least, as it is men-
tioned in the Mishna, although not quoted there. Selah in
all likelihood belongs to the oldest portion of this prayer (so
Seligman-Baer in historical notes on the Jewish Liturgy) . Both
prayers are quoted by title in the Shulchan-Arukh (II. Lieferung,
pp. 267, 221), the reference to the Talmud being Tractat
Tfty^'2y lib. They belong without doubt to the oldest portion of
the Liturgy. It is quite possible that they date back to the begin-
ning of our era, or even earlier, although this cannot be affirmed.
There is a version of the second of these prayers in which
occurs an interpolation of some length. It bears traces of a date
considerably later than that of the passage in which it stands,
and is entirely omitted from the authorized version of the prayer.
It is too long to quote in full, but at its close stands the follow-
ing: i3iaw bK n^yn jioni -jranni .iraK irnbK "^"^ nn» -o
:t?i nbo nss
In the Talmud (Treatise Erubhiny folio 54a) there is a state-
ment, attributed to the school of Eliezer ben Jacob, who belonged
to the fourth generation of the Tanaim (138-64) — a statement
therefore dating from the second century A. D. — to the effect
that in every place in the Scriptures where the words 1123 , Jlbo ,
or iy occur, they have the meaning of endless continuity — for-
ever and ever.
The juxtaposition of these words in the passage under con-
sideration is suspicious. It can be explained as authentic only
on the supposition that the Jewish tradition is correct in ascribing
to nbo the meaning forever — a meaning which, as will presently
appear, there is good reason to question. In the meantime this
must be counted out as a suspected passage.
3 See The Authoriied Daily Prayer Book of the United Hebrew Congregations of the
British Empire, 2d edition. London, 1891.
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8 Hebbaioa
At the close of the prayer assigned to the sabbath preceding
the new moon Selah appears, following the amen} This prayer
is quoted in the Talmud,* where, however, Selah is lacking. This
fact, together with its present position after the amen^ leads one
to regard it with suspicion.
A still more doubtful use of this term may be found in a
prayer omitted from the Authorised Prayer Bookj but appearing
in the prayer-book entitled The Praises of Israel (p. 99). A
glance at it is sufBcient to disclose its untrustworthiness. The
prayer is plainly cabalistic, and of late origin. Here again Selah
appears after the amen.
The Talmud* refers to a blessing, appointed to be said by
persons released from prison, recovering from serious illness, etc.
The blessing itself is not quoted ; but in the Liturgy there appears
a blessing, which from its language may well be ancient, appointed
for use on just such occasions as those enumerated in the Talmud.
At its close stands a Selah. This blessing appears in the Praises
of Israel, p. 163. We cannot aflBirm that this is the blessing
referred to in the Talmud; still the conjecture is a reasonable
one. If it be true, we hav6 here an example of Selah in an
ancient benediction which goes back at least to the Gaonim, and
may go back much farther. This benediction is omitted from
the Authorised Prayer Book — a noteworthy fact, although the
prayer is not thereby discredited.
As the result of our inquiry, we have found in the Hebrew
Liturgy, outside of the rejected portion of the morning benedic-
tion before the Shema and the late cabalistic prayer, the following
uses of Selah :
a) Five examples dating in all probability from the first
centuries of our era, possibly from the time of the second temple.
These are the three Selahs in the tT\XOy Tiy\12X0 and the two in
the morning benedictions preceding the JSlD .
b) Two examples which must be regarded as somewhat doubt-
ful both as to age and authenticity ; namely, in the benediction
referred to as possibly that mentioned in the Talmud, and in the
prayer for the sabbath preceding the new moon, which is quoted
in the Talmud, but without Selah.
s Of, The AuthorUed Daily Prayer Bookj p. 154.
* Berachoth, 166.
6 Ibid., 546.
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nbo 9
II. THE TBADITIONS CX)NOEBNING 8KLAH.
Two traditions as to the interpretation of Selah have been
preserved to us in the various versions of the Psalter. The one is
that of Tabnud, Targum, Aquila, Quinta, and Sexta, and has been
followed by Jerome. The other is that of LXX, Symmachus,
Theodotion, Psalter. Vetus, and, in part, of Peshitto and Hexapla.
1. The Targum follows the Massoretic text exactly in its use
of nbo, giving in place of it K'^bsb, I'^ttbyb, or a synonym.*
Aquila, representing the prevailing opinion in Jewish circles at
the time of the elder expounders of the law,' translates nbo by
oe/; Quinta and Sexta by BiaTravrtky cfc t^Xo9, and the like ; Jerome
by semper, iugiter. Professor Baethgen remarks : "Augenschein-
lich war dies von Aq. bis auf Hier. die traditionelle Erklarung."'
Jewish tradition seems to give to the word the meaning of
forever. A passage from the Talmud has already been referred to,
which makes nbc synonymous with HM ,"15. It is in accord-
ance with this tradition that Selah has been translated at times
by forever in the Authorised Jewish Prayer Book; for instance,
in the "Eighteen Benedictions," in the prayers before the 3?aiC,
and sometimes even in quotations from the Psalter — apparently
in every passage which can bear the addition of the word forever.
Against this interpretation of Selah it may be urged :
a) that it has no etymological support ;
b) that in many cases the meaning forever would yield no
sense (for examples see Pss. 9:17; 66:15; 68:8; 77:4; 81:8;
83:9; 84:9; 87:6, etc.; Hab. 3:3, 13, etc.);
c) that to connect Selah with the words which precede, in
the case of the Psalms, would be to interfere with the poetic
measure, and to destroy at times the parallelism of thought
(seePss. 3:3, 5; 46:4,8; 77:4; 81:8; 88:8, 11, etc.);
d) that it conflicts with the reading of the LXX. Now, the
natural inference from the presence of additional Selahs in the
LXX and Hexapla is that the meaning of the term was not
unknown to the Greek translators. Moreover, there is a presump-
tion in favor of the LXX as the older reading ;
e) that in the Codex Sin. Selah is written in red characters
and stands in a line by itself.
See Jacob, loe. eit, p. 132.
7 According to Graets, loe. cit.^ p. 93.
< Handkammentar m. AIL Tett., U, 2 ; 2te Aufl., p. xU ; also Siegfried in ZATW.y IV, p. 58.
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10 Hebbaioa
2. The other traditional interpretation of nbo is that of the
LXX (followed by Symmachus, Theodotion, etc.), which renders
the word uniformly Bidy^aXfiay in Ps. 9:17 {<p^) Buiy^dXfiaTO^.
The trustworthiness of this tradition has been doubted, chiefly
on the ground that Bidy^aXfJM is a word of doubtful meaning,
which itself requires explanation.
Baethgen^ quotes a passage from de Lagarde,*^ attributed to
Hippoly tus, which reads : puOfiov . rt w fj lUXov^ fierajSoX^v
yeyovA/ai icarh Tois tottoxj^ tj ical rpthrov BiBacKaXla^ ek Irepov
rpiirov tj huivola^ tj Svi/a/Aea>9 Xdyov ivdXXayfia.
The explanation given by Origen, XII, 1071, is as follows :
Karct Sk Tct Trap' ^fjitv avrlypa^a KaX Karii ^v^kfia'xpv ioiK€ fiovaiKOv
TAi/09 fi^Xov^ tj pvOfAov TpoiTYfi yevofidpfj^ ij Tov Suiy^dX/iaTO^ Trapa-
KeiaOai irapacqiieboaL^' iroXXoKif; 8k koI huivola^ ipaXXayif yivercu
iv T0Z9 Btay^dXfJMO-iv rjSr) 8k Kal wpoaanrov fiera/SoX'q.
Augustine's comment is :
Interpositum diapsalma vetat istam [locutionem] cum superiore
coniungi, sive enim hebraeum verbum sit (sicut quidam volunt) quo sig-
nificatur Fiat, sive graecum, quo significatur intervallum psallendi, ut
psalma sit quod psallitur, diapsalma yero interpositum in psallendo
silentium, ut quemadmodum sympsalma dicitur vocum copulatio in
cantando, ita diapsalma disiunctio eanun, ubi quaedam requies disiunc-
tae continuationis ostenditur — sive ergo illud, sive hoc, sive aliud
aliquid sit, certe illud probabile est, non recte continuari et coniungi
sensum, ubi diapsalma interponitur."
Dr. Jacob" gives his view of the testimony of the church
fathers on the meaning of Bidy^aX/ia as follows :
Die Kirchenvftter hatten keine Tradition dar&ber, was nbO bedeutet,
noch warum es gerade mit 8i6»l/aXfjui tibersetzt wird. ''O selbst wird bald
vergessen. Was 8, im griechischen Psalter bedeutet, wissen sie ebenso
wenig. Alle ErklArungen sind geraten, und die Weisheit eines Jahrtau-
sends tiber dieses Wort Iftsst sich knapp genug zusammenfassen : &a-
il/aXfia ist ein Bul im ^aXXctv. Den Revers: es ist ein ^oXXctv 3ia
(zwischen-durch) zeigen die neueren Erkl&rungen als "Zwischen-
spiel" u. ft.
In spite of this uncertainty as to the meaning of diapsalma,
there is reason to think that the reading of the LXX approximates
the true meaning of Selah. This conclusion is of importance,
Loc. dt, pp. zii, xiii.
10 Novae PacUterii Oraeci EdiHonit Specimen^ p. 10.
11 de LagardOf Specimeih P* 10.
i2Z^TTr.,1896,p.l81.
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even though the meaning of huk-^akfia^ like that of Selah, should
remain in doubt; for if 8idy^a\/ia fairly represents Plbo, then
nbo is a liturgical note. The arguments in favor of this conclu-
sion are the following :
1. The ancient Greek version known as the Septuagint was
probably not completed before the close of the first century B. C.
The Pentateuch, the Prophets, and some of the "Writings" were
translated into Greek in all likelihood by the middle of the second
century B. C. As the Psalter seems to have been the first of the
K6thib to receive a place in the canon, it was probably one of the
first to be translated. In any case there is no doubt that the Greek
Psalter was in existence in the last century B. C." The period
during which Selah was in use must extend to a time later than
the date of the "Psalms of Solomon" and of the earlier portions
of the Jewish Prayer Book. The Psalms of Solomon are assigned
to the middle of the first century B. C, in the commentary of
Ryle and James, and such of the Jewish prayers as preserve an
unquestionable example of Selah stand in the oldest portions of
the liturgy and date back, in all probability, to the first century
A. D., if not earlier. Selah was, therefore, certainly in use at the
time of the formation of the Greek Psalter. But if this be true,
then it is hard to conceive that a term in actual use could have
been quite unknown to the Greek translators, or that their
rendering is not approximately correct.
2. An additional argument may be drawn from the fact that
the LXX preserves Selahs that are lacking in the Massoretic
text. Jacob, as we have seen, accepts them as authentic on the
ground that there is no other way of accounting for them than to
suppose that they come from the Hebrew text represented by the
LXX. However, it is quite conceivable that there was an inde-
pendent use of Selah among the Hellenistic Jews. This is the
view taken by Professor Briggs in the article mentioned," and it
is favored by the late examples preserved in the Psalms of Solo-
mon and the Jewish Liturgy, as well as in the later versions of
the Psalter.
But whatever opinion may be held as to the origin of the
additional Selahs in the LXX, it is evident that the version
which preserves the most Selahs is likely to have preserved with
w See C. A. Briggs, IrUroductUm to the Study of HcHy ScHpturt, pp. 188-«X
14 See note 1.
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12 Hebbaioa
them a correct tradition as to their use; and therefore these
additional Selahs aflford presumptive evidence in support of the
rendering of the LXX.
Dr. Muss-Amolt gives it as his opinion that " the meaning of
selah seems to have been well known to the Greek translators ;"
and he adds : " Professor Geo. P. Moore, of Andover, Mass., also
believes that the Greek translators were acquainted [with the sig-
nificance of selah, and that their translation was not a blundering
guess." ''
III. THE THBOBIES CX)NOEBNINa SELAH.
Modem conjectures as to the meaning and use of Selah are
for the most part in the line of the Greek tradition. It will be
convenient to classify them as follows : 1) Selah is an abbrevia-
tion ; 2) Selah indicates strophical division ; 3) Selah is a
liturgical note.
1. Selah an abbreviation, — It has been suggested that Selah
is an abbreviation, such as those preserved in the talmudic litera-
ture, in which each letter stands for some word of which it is the
initial, and the word thus formed represents a complete phrase.
Among the phrases which nbo has been supposed to stand for
are the following :
«) bipn riiSTCb 'iB''0 = stgnum mutandae voces,
b) nion nbjttb ab = da capo.
T - T ; ~ :
But these are only two of the many possible combinations. Who
shall tell us which of them all is the true one ? It may be said
that if Selah is such an abbreviation, it is the only example in the
Scriptures.
Bachmann** suggests that the H in PlbC is due to a scribal
error, and that we should read for PlbO the imperative of nbO .
This, according to his conjecture, represented the phrase D3ijb
nbp , which became a liturgical formula (such as Kvpie iX^aov)^
and of which Slbo is all that remains to us. The theory is purely
speculative, and a hasty glance through the Psalter is suflBicient to
convince one that Selah frequently stands where a petition for
forgiveness in behalf of enemies^"^ would be entirely out of place
(c/. Pss. 59:6, 14; 62:5; 140:4,6,9; 9:17; 7:6; 50:15, etc.).
^i Johns Hopkina Unimr$ity Circulara^ May, 1890, p. 76.
i< In his Altteat. Untenuchungeny Berlin, 1894, pp. 41 aq.
17 Loc. cit., p. 46.
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nbc
13
TABLE OF SELAH PSALMS (OOHPLETE)."
With nSS'ob.
iTona
b'^D'Ot)
DnD-a
nntb
NONB
Asaph J
'1
77
SO
75t
76+
81
(LXX
David \
4 20 62
^ 21 68t
9 Bl 140
19 39
52
54
55
57
59
60
68t
61
10
Korah J
47 88t
49 (Ueman)
84
85
44
88t
46
88t
Orphan
66t
67(TiXX
66t
67t
Without nSDiab.
■^TDTTa
b'^Dtma
DriDia
n-ftJ
None
^^Mb
Asaph <
50
82
83t
83t
David ^
3
24
143
32
30t
B4:
37
719
Korah ^
i?f
48t
87f
Ethan \
89
Orphan
2 115
9P^119
ion
18 The mark f indicatee that the psalm has more than one descriptiye term in its title.
The change in type distinguishes the Selah psalms of the Hebrew Psalter from those taken
from the Versions.
i»LXX e/f T^ tAoi.
20 LXX ^aX/bi^t r^ Aave/d.
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14 Hebbaioa
2. Selah a straphical division. — Selah has been interpreted
as marking strophical division, especially in doubtful places." In
favor of this theory is the fact that Selah frequently stands at the
close of a psalm strophe. Against it is the use of Selah in the
Hebrew prayers and in Pss. 20:4; 55:8; 67:2; 68:8, 33; 85:3;
Hab. 3:3, etc. Dalman" suggests that Slbo = cekk = spatium
inter lineas. He claims the support of the LXX for this conjecture.
3. Selah a liturgical note, — The majority of modem scholars
regard Selah as a liturgical note. Under this head may be grouped
the various speculations as to its meaning and use. These are :
(a) that Selah is a musical note ; (6) that it is a summons to
prayer ; (c) that it indicates a stop, or break — the end of a section.
The probability that Bidy^a\/JM is a liturgical note, and the
uncertainty as to its exact meaning, make it possible to quote the
LXX reading in support of each of these several interpretations.
If Selah is a liturgical note, the psalms containing it may be
expected to show other signs of liturgical use. A rapid look
through the Selah psalms is enough to convince one of their
fitness for public worship. Many of them were incorporated in
the Jewish Liturgy. Many contain references to Zion, the temple,
sacrificial worship, a worshiping assembly, and the like. Few are
without marks of fitness for liturgical use. The titles of the
most of these psalms assign them to one or other of the three
early psalters, t. e., those of David, Asaph, and the Korahites.
The exceptions are Pss. 2, 66, 67, 89, 94, 107, 115, 119. Of
these psalms, 89 is ascribed to Ethan in the Massoretic text ; 67
and 94 to David in the LXX ; 66 is entitled a "liara "l-'TC ; 119 is
not accepted by Dr. Jacob as a Selah psalm, while 107 and 115
are regarded by him with suspicion. This leaves Ps. 2 as the
only example of an accredited Selah psalm with no liturgical
mark in the title. In the Hebrew Psalter every Selah psalm
bears such a mark."*
a) Selah a musical note, — It has been maintained that nbo
is from a substantive bo (i/bbo), and that it refers to the music,
having the meaning loud, forte,^ However, such a term would
31 So Dr. Julius Ley, Rhifthmtu d. Hebr. Poesie^ 1875, pp. 63 tq,
32 Theol, Literaturgeitung^ 1893, No. 21.
23 For an inductive study of these psalms see Professor Briggs' artide in J<mmal qf
Biblical Literature, Vol. XVIU, Part I.
a« So Ewald, Dichter d. AU, Bundet, I, p. 282 ; Delitssch, Paalmen, p. 83 ; c/. also BOttcher.
Au^fahrliche$ Uhrbuch d, Hebr, Sprache, 1, 2, g 837 : 66.
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nbo 15
be quite inappropriate in Pss. 4:4 ; 32:4 ; 77:4, 10 ; 85:3 ; 88:8 ;
89:46, 49 ; 143:6, and similar passages, in so far as it has refer-
ence either to a musical accompaniment or to a musical interlude ;
moreover, it leaves the Selahs in the Jewish Prayer Book unac-
counted for.
Again, the word has been interpreted as a sign for the instru-
ments to strike up, or come into prominence, t. e., for a musical
interlude,^ This is also the common interpretation of Sidy^aX/ia,
Ztotschenspiel, and the LXX is supposed to afford strong sup-
port to this theory. The support, however, depends on the correct-
ness of the interpretation for Btds^aXfiay which is a matter of
dispute. The passages which are the most dij£cult of explanation
on this theory are Pss. 20:4 ; 21:3 ; 52:3, 5 ; 55:8 ; 67:2 ; 68:8,
33 ; 85 : 3, and others, wherein the train of thought would be broken
by an interlude or a pause of any kind. This objection will hold
good also against the derivation of Selah from nbo = nbiD to be
silent, which makes it a sign for a pause in the singing. On this
etymology Muss-Amolt makes the following criticism : " JlblD does
not mean *to be silent,' but 'to be quiet.' . . . . D never inter-
changes with ID, except in doubtful words ; Ps. 9:17 would now
mean : music ! pause ! " *
The most recent contribution to this class of theories is that
of J. K. Zenner.'' It is severely criticised by Beer." Zenner's
proposal is that SlbO and SidyfraXfrn both mean "Zwiegesang*' —
duo; and that the use of the word in the Psalter shows that the
psalms were sung by more than one choir, and also indicates
where the choirs were to alternate.
P. CasseP proposes the theory that the musical notes, which
appear in the Psalter and have been found so difficult to explain,
are for the most part translations or transliterations of technical
Greek terms, not understood and therefore wrongly pointed by
the Massorites. His interpretation of Selah is as follows :
Es bedeutet ^oXAc als Anweisung, dass das Spiel wieder einfftllt.
Dass statt \p steht, kann nicht auffallen. Im Attischen vertritt ^
vielfach ein einfaches <r, wie ^trroico? und o-trroxck ; vertritt ebenso in
» See the lexicon of Sie^rfried and Stade ; Riehm^s Handto<hrterbuch d. bibL AUertumi^
Vol. n ; Schnlts, Kurxgefatater Kommentar^ A, 6t« Abt., p. 22.
aeXoc.ci«., p. 76.
^ Chorgeiange im Buche der P$almen. Freiburg i. B. : Herder, 1886.
38 Deutsche Litteraturteituno for March 6, lfi&7 (Vol. XVUI, No. 9).
» Kritiechee Sendtckreiben Mber die Probebibel 1885, pp. 02, 93.
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16 Hebbaioa
hebrftischen Worten sowohl ( (Z\^Q = jti^) als ^. Auch im Mittelalter
kommt neben Psalterion, Salterion vor, franzOsisch saltier oder sautiers.^
Baethgen, however, discredits this proposal on the ground of the
retention of the p sound in 'J'^^FIMS) = -^aXrripiov Dan. 3:5."
The appearance of ^i'^SH before nbo in Ps. 9:17 has been
used as an argument in favor of the view that Selah refers to
the musical accompaniment. There is no fixed tradition as to
the meaning of I'i^Sn. The meanings assigned to it in the
new edition of the Robinson-Gesenius Hebrew Lexicon" are:
(1) "resounding music," (2) "meditation, musing." It is clear
that the sense of lV3n in this particular passage will be deter-
mined by the meaning attributed to nbo , and not vice versa. Dr.
Muss-Amolt, for example, in accordance with his theory concern-
ing Selah, prefers the second meaning and interprets nbO "jVan
as "addressed to the congregation : here is a call for meditation
and prayer!" However, the rendering of the LXX <pBri Sta-
-^oKfiaTo^ certainly favors the .view that Selah here had some
connection with the musical rendering.
Some of the objections against this class of theories would be
met if, instead of attempting to limit the application of Selah to
instrmnents or voices, or to the manner of singing or playing,
one were to regard Selah as simply indicating some change in the
musical rendering.
The early Christian tradition, as we have seen, gives support
to the view that Selah is a musical note. So also does the pres-
ence of musical terms in the titles and text of many of the Selah
psalms. In his article on Selah" Professor Briggs shows the
strength of this argument, reaching the conclusion that "there is a
very close connection between the use of nbo and the use of
musical terms in the Director's Psalter," and that "this makes it
probable that nbo was a term used with reference to the musical
rendering of the Psalms."
It is noteworthy in this connection that Sidy^aXfia in Hab,
3:3 is replaced by fiera/SoXif 8iay^d\fiaT0<: in Cod. 86a, although
the ordinary reading is given by Cod. 866, Complutensis and
Variants.**
80 KHtUche* Sendachreiben Hber die Probebibel, 1885, p. 96.
SI Loc. cit.^ p. ziii.
82 Edited by Drs. Brown, Driver, and Brigars.
88 See footnote 1.
8i Compare for the text Klostermann's Analecta t, Septuagintat Hexapla und PcUrUtik,
Leipsig, 1895.
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nbo 17
b) Selah a call to prayer, — In the Johns Hopkins University
Circular for May, 1890, p. 76, Dr. Muss-Amolt writes as follows :
"I believe that the original meaning of selah is prayer. (1) As
to the etymology, I consider it a Piel form; selah stands for
sallAh as eb^d for abb^d (so also Haupt after Eimchi) ; it is
derived from the stem nbo , occurring frequently in Assyrian ;
e, g.f usalli * I prayed,' sulltl = bassltum, 'prayer,* V Rawl.,
26, 52, ab (written su(!)-ul-lu-u); sulA (written su(!)la-a),
* beseeching,* Z. Assyr.y IV, 11; siltltu, *a prayer-mantle,* V
RawL, 14 and 28, etc. (2) The meaning 'prayer* is suitable in
all cases, especially so in the later Jewish liturgy (pointed out to
me by Dr. B. Szold and Dr. Jastrow, Sr.); it signified prayer —
loud or silent — interwoven between the chanting of the psalms.
This also gives a good meaning to Bid^fraXfjLa = (a prayer) between
the psalm."
The question as to the derivation of JlbO will be considered
later. In the meantime a careful examination of the uses of
Selah shows that the meaning thus attributed to it, while suitable
in many cases, is not satisfactory in all. It is not suitable, for
instance, in psalms in which Selah occurs every few verses, such as
Pss. 3, 32, 46, 52, 66, 67, 77, 84, 87, etc.; or in such passages as
Pss. 20:4; 21:3; 52:5; 55:8; 57:4; 67:2; 68:8; 82:2; 85:3,
etc., where Selah stands between lines connected through paral-
lelism or progress in the thought.
c) Selah marking the close of a section in psalm or prayer.
— In ZATW.y 1896, pp. 137 8g., Jacob presents information as
to the liturgical customs of the second temple. He begins his
investigation with the seven psalms appointed for the morning
Tamid ; that is, with Pss. 24, 48, 82, 94, 81, 93, 92 (one for each
day in the week). Of this list Pss. 24, 48, 81, 82, and (according
to the LXX) 94 have Selah. It is related in the Mishna ( Tamidy
iv, 4) that the last act of the morning Tamid was the libation^
during which it was customary for the Levites to sing a TID.
Whenever they came to the close of a section, the priests sounded
on the trumpets and the people prostrated themselves (^If^lDn
CC?n). Jacob regards Selah as the sign for the close of a section.
In the Mishna {Succa, v, 3) it is stated that twenty-one blasts of
the trumpet are to be heard in the temple daily, and that nine of
these occur at the morning Tamid, three being given at a time.
The first of this threefold succession of blasts preceded the Levites'
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18 Hebbaioa
Bong. The second probably served as the signal for prostration
at the close of a section ; that is, according to Jacob, where Selah
stands in the psalm. None of the five Tamid psalms with Selah
contains it more than once. Jacob suggests, therefore, that the
third series of blasts served as signal to the musical conductor
that the pau^e was over and that the singing might begin again.
He explains the absence of Selah in Pss. 92, 93 and (in the
Hebrew) 94 by referring to the fact that Selah does not appear at
all in the fourth book of the Psalter, to which these psalms belong.
Another series of psalms used in the temple worship was
that appointed for the Feast of Tabernacles; namely, Pss. 29;
50:16 sg.; 94:16 8g.; 94:8 sg.; 81:7 8g.; 82:5b sq,; 65 (accord-
ing to b. Succa, 53a) . Of these psalms the following have Selah :
Ps. 50:6 (and vs. 15 according to LXX); 81:8; 82:2; 94:15
(according to LXX) ; while Pss. 29 and 65 are without it. But
even in the psalms where it occurs its position does not, for the
most part, correspond with the beginning of the strophe or section
appointed for use. Jacob attributes this fact to erroneous tradi-
tion, and corrects as follows: 81:9 sg. for 81:7 sg.; 82:3 sg. for
82:56 sq.; and possibly 50:7 8g. for 50:16 8g." He thinks that
Pss. 29 and 65 were sung from beginning to end without break,
and therefore required no Selah.
Jacob reaches the conclusion that " Sela bedeutet einen Absatz
im Tempelgesang der Leviten," and again that ** Jlbo bedeutet
einen Absatz, sei es im Tempelgesange, sei es ftlr den Tempel-
gesang. AUe Psalmen mit '0 weisen sich dadurch als Gesftnge
der Tempelliturgie aus."" He strengthens his argument by
showing that other of the Selah psalms are mentioned in the
Talmud as used in the temple ritual, and by calling attention to
the liturgical character of the psalms themselves, with special
reference to their titles and to the priestly benedictions with
which some of them conclude (see Pss. 3, 21, 31, 48, 66, 68).
Jacob explains the absence of Selah from the Hallel as follows :
"Das Hallel ist ohne Unterbrechung von 113-118 als ein ein-
ziger Hymnus zur Begleitung des Schlachtens und Blutspren-
gens vorgetragen worden, und darum treflfen wir in ihm kein 'D,
welches eben sonst Anzeige einer Unterbrechung ist."*' Of the
85 For his argument see ZATW,, 1886, pp. 143, 144.
M/Md.,pp.l44,170.
37 i&id., pp. 168, 160.
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nbo 19
Pilgrim Songs he writes : " Wie sie anch gesungen sein mOgen,
mit oder ohne Absfttze, so hat 'D kein Platz in ihnen. Denn
wnrden sie in Absfttzen gesungen, so bilden eben die Psalmen
selbst die Absfttze.'"* Jacob makes no attempt at an etymological
explanation, nor does he seek the support of the versions. He
considers it impossible to discover the exact meaning of nbo (and
apparently also of Btd^lraXfia) . He contents himself with pre-
senting a theory as to its use."
It is evident from this account of the temple ritual that not
only whole psalms, but parts of psalms, were sung according to
appointment. But if this was true of the temple service, why not
also of the service in the synagogues ? Jacob's limitation of such
a use for Selah to the temple liturgy raises many diflSculties in
the way of the acceptance of his theory.
Without attempting to meet these diflBiculties or to discuss
the merits of this conjecture, let us confine ourselves to the ques-
tion whether Selah may not serve simply to mark oflf a section in
psalm or prayer. In the first place it may be taken for granted
that wherever Selah can be interpreted as indicating a musical
interlude, a pause in the singing, a place for the trumpets to
sound, for prostration or for prayer — in all such passages it can
serve as the sign for breaking off; that is, it can mark oflf a sec-
tion in the psalm. Indeed, it must be at least this in order to
serve any of the above-named purposes. To give Selah this sig-
nificance is not to deny the possibility of any of those uses. Thus
Jacob regards Selah as indicating in the Tamid " die Pause im
Levitengesang, in welcher auf einen dreifachen Trompetenstos
der beiden Priester das anwesende Volk sich zur Anbetung nie-
derwarf ;" and again in the ritual for the Feast of Tabernacles as
marking "den Absatz, bei welchem ein selbstftndiger Gesang in
der Tempelliturgie begann."^ In short, this theory makes Selah
serve the simple purpose of indicating the sections into which a
psalm may be divided, when the exigencies of liturgical service
render such a division desirable.
This explanation meets one of the chief diflSculties raised
against the preceding theories ; i. e., the presence of Selah between
verses which are closely connected in thought. It is quite con-
ceivable that the sections of Pss. 20, 21, 67, 68, 85, etc., and of
Hab., chap. 3, as marked by Selah, may have been used separately ;
W ZATW., 18W, p. 169. » Ibid., pp. 171-8, 181. « ibid., pp. 139, 144.
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Hebbaioa
although it is difficult to explain Selah as indicating an intermtS'
sion (whether for music, prayer, or meditation) which would be
an interruption as well. This use would also explain the repeti-
tion of Selah in short psalms.
TABLE SHOWING THE POSITION OP SELAH IN
IHE PSALTEB.
At Close op Sbotiom
At End OF
PSAIiM
With
Citations
Unbx-
PLAINBD
2:2,6
34:11
61:56
82:2
3:9
44:9
2:4.5
3:3,5
37:4
62:5,9
83:9
9:21
55:8
7:13a
4:3,5
39:6. 12
66:4, 7, 15
84:5, 8, 9
24:10
57:7
20:4
6:4
46:4,8
67:5
87:3,6
46:12
60:6
49:14
7:6.9a
47:5
68:17,20,
88:8,13
67:2
57:3.4a
9:17
48:9
26.32
89:38,46,49
68:8,33
61:5a
19:5a
49:16
70:5
94:15
89:5
68:4a,
21:a6
50:6, 15
75:4
107:30
14,15
24:6
52:5, 7
76:4, 10
115:3
70:3
30:4
54:5
77:4, 10, 16
119:19
85:3
31:22
56:20a
80:8
140:4.6,9
88:11
32:4,5,7
59:6, 14
81:8
143:6
There are seventy-six cases in which Selah appears between
sections in the psalms. In almost every case the division is
clearly marked. In every case Selah may well serve the purpose
which this theory attributes to it.
The position of Selah at the close of Pss. 3, 9, 24, 46 seems
at first sight difficult to reconcile with this interpretation. It
should be noticed that Selah is lacking in the LXX at the end of
three of these psalms (3, 24, 46), while in the fourth it no longer
stands at the end, as Pss. 9 and 10 form one psalm in the Greek
text. However, there is no difficulty in explaining these examples,
supposing them to be genuine. Selah could be used at the close
of a psalm, in accordance with this theory, whenever psalms were
grouped together in the ritual, or whenever the final section or
verse of a psalm was placed in combination with other passages.
Pss. 3, 24, 46 are used repeatedly, in part or as complete psalms,
in such combinations, in the Hebrew Prayer Book. It is reason-
able to suppose that these psalms were early used in combination
with other psalms by the Hebrews in their public worship ; since
they have been so used to our knowledge for many centuries.
It is not surprising to find Selah used with citations. In Ps.
44:9 it stands just before a citation from Ps. 60:12; in Ps. 55:8
it follows one from Jer. 9:1. Pss. 57 : 8-12 and 60 : 7-14 reappear
in Ps. 108. Selah stands in 57:7 and 60:6, in each case just
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between the duplicate section and the rest of the psalm. The cita-
tion from Numb. 6:24, 25 at the beginning of Ps. 67 is followed
by Selah. It appears also in Ps. 89:5 after the passage taken
from 2 Sam. 7: 16, and in Ps. 68:33 before the citation from Deut.
33:26. The position of Selah in Ps. 68:8 is not so easy to
explain. Vss. 8 sq, bear a striking resemblance to Judg. 5:4Jsg.
But Selah here stands neither before nor after, but in the midst
of, a citation. It seems to be out of place. The use of Selah in
this psalm is so very questionable that it seems reasonable to
suppose that this particular Selah once stood at the close of the
preceding verse, just before the citation. Certainly no theory
has yet been proposed which would explain it in its present
position.
There remain fourteen examples to be explained. The Selahs
in Ps. 2:4, 5 are probably due to dittography. Jacob, comparing
with them the Selah in vs. 6, considers that there are probably
two examples of dittography in this psalm. The Selah in vs. 6
has been retained in the table, as it stands at the close of a
strophe ; but there is no diflSculty in explaining either of the
remaining Selahs, as the verses which precede them may readily
be used by themselves. The same thing is true of 70:3 (although
here one is tempted to transpose the Selah to vs. 4), and of 85:3
(although here again the Selah seems to belong rather to the
close of the following verse). In Ps. 7:13a it is possible that
the Selah is in place. True, there is a break between vs. 15 and
the preceding verses, so that at first thought one is tempted to
transpose the Selah to the close of vs. 14. But vs. 13a would
form a more suitable ending to a psalm than vs. 14. If any such
change has taken place, it is more probable that the Selah stood
originally at the close of vs. 12. The Selah in 88:11 of the
Massoretic text is very likely an error for the one given in vs. 13
by the LXX. In Ps. 20:4 the Selah is easily accounted for, even
though there is no break in the thought ; as it is quite conceivable
that vss. 1-4 may have been used at times independently of the
rest of the psalm. The Selah in Ps. 49:14 probably belongs at
the close of vs. 13, that is, at the close of a strophe ; just as the
other Selah in this psalm stands at the end of the next strophe
(vs. 16). Ps. 57:3, 4a is probably a case of dittography. The
LXX supports the Selah in vs. 3, the Hebrew and one MS. of the
Greek text the Selah in vs. 4a. The former is, on the whole, the
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22 Hebbaioa
better position for Selah, but neither is untenable. Ps. 61 : 5a of
the LXX = 61:56 of the Massorah. In 68:4a the Selah is not
impossible to explain, although it would seem more suitably
placed at the close of the verse. In vss. 14, 15 we have probably
another example of dittography." The usage in this psalm is
remarkable. The Hebrew text places Selah in vss. 8, 20, 33 ; the
Septuagint in vss. 4a, 8, 14, 20, 33 ; Holmes- Parsons in vss. 4a,
14, 15, 32, 33 ; and the Psalterium Vetus in vss. 4, 14, 17, 26—
nine Selahs in one psalm, and several of them difficult to explain
on any of the theories. One is tempted to regard these as exam-
ples of transposition or dittography.
Thus there are but few uses of Selah which cause any diffi-
culty, and only one of these (Ps. 49:14) is in the Hebrew text.
There is no accredited example in the Psalter which cannot be
explained in a reasonable way according to the theory that Selah
divides the psalm into sections for liturgical use.
In Hab. 3 : 3a, 9a Selah seems at first sight to be out of place,
but examination shows that we have here examples of the use of
Selah with citations. Vs. 3a should be compared with Deut. 33: 2 ;
vss. 9& sq. with Ps. 77 : 17-21. In connection with the use of Selah
in vs. 9a Dr. Driver's statement may be quoted: "Ps. 77:16-19
agrees so closely with Hab. 3:10-15 that one of the two must be.
dependent upon the other.**" Compare with this Dr. Cheyne's
comment on Ps. 77: 17-20 : "These verses are on a diflferent model
from that of the rest of the psalm, being tristichs. They do not
cohere well either with vss. 14-16 or with vs. 21. They are lyric,
not reflective, in tone and style, and have the appearance of having
been taken from some other poem."** This portion of Ps. 77 is
separated from the rest of the psalm by Selah. It is not sur-
prising, therefore, that Selah should appear in Hab. 3:9. In the
LXX vs. 9a concludes with \eyei Kvpio^j and is thus distinctly
separated from the following passage.
According to the text of Cod. 866, as given in Klostermann's
Analecta zur Septuaginta, Hexapla und Patristik (Leipzig,
1895), BuiylraXfia stands at the close of vs. 14, ek r^Xty; taking its
place in vs. 13 both in this text and in the Complutensis. Neither
example raises any difficulty, and the question as to the genuine-
ness of the reading may be left undecided. The usage in Hab-
akkuk, as it seems, is favorable to this interpretation of Selah.
41 So Dr. Jacob, ^s Literature cf Old Tettament, p. 318. M The Book of Pfalnu, p. 216.
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We must now consider the use of Selah outside of the Scrip-
tures. There are two examples in the Psalms of Solomon, namely,
in Pss. 17 and 18, the most important in the collection. Both
are Messianic, Ps. 17 setting forth a lofty conception of the Mes-
siah. Ps. 18 appears in two fragments. Vss. 1-10 are not logically
connected with vss. 11-14. The change of subject is so complete
that it is suggested in the commentary of Kyle and James that
the second fragment properly forms a new psalm. The remark
is made that
Against this idea it may be urged that a Suuf/aXfui is inserted by all
MSS. save one (M), and that that one's evidence is invalidated by the
fact that it omits all titles and subscriptions. We at once admit the
practical absence of external support, for we lay little stress on the evi-
dence of M.**
But, according to the theory we are now considering, Sta-^aX/Aa
itself suggests such a division as these editors, for other reasons,
are inclined to make. One of the two examples in the Psalter of
Solomon strongly favors the proposed interpretation for Selah.
On SidylrakfjLa in Ps. 17:31 the following comment is made :
Omitted by the Moscow MS. Very likely it is not genuine, any
more than the other one in Ps. 18:10, where we believe that a longer
pause ought to be expressed. It may have been put in in both places by
the man who wrote the titles of our psalms, in order to assimilate them
more closely in outward form to the Davidic collection. Against this is
the fact that only two are to be found in the whole book. If genuine^
they point to a liturgical use of these psalms, of which we have no other
trace.**
As to these suggestions it may be remarked : a) that we have
just seen what good reason the editors themselves have for retain-
ing the SidylraXfAa in Ps. 18 : 10 ; 6) that the fact that Selah occurs
but twice in the whole collection is sufficient to discredit the con-
jecture that they were inserted "in order to assimilate [these
psalms] more closely .... to the Davidic collection." c) Over
against the objection to a liturgical use for these psalms may be
placed the following statements, taken from the Introduction,
pp. XXV, lix, Ix :
The Psalms, according to most critics, were written in Hebrew for
liturgical use. They probably would not be so used save in the near
neighborhood of Jerusalem, etc.
M Ryle and James, PtalmB of SoUmum, p. 148.
« /did., p.^40.
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24 HSBBAIOA
There follows an argument based on this assomption. Again :
It is possible that the whole collection was intended for public, or
even for liturgical, use. The occurrence of ''Selah" (SuafHiXfui) in 17:81 ;
18:10, if originally part of the text, and not introduced out of mere imi-
tation of the canonical Psalter, would go to support this view. Similarly,
if the titles of Pss. 8, 10, 14 are genuine, they would indicate that these
psalms at least were originally designed for adaptation to music.
To return to Ps. 17:31. It may be well to quote vss. 30-32,
as the use of Selah in this passage is one to raise questions. The
Messiah and his kingdom are being described :
Vs. 30. For he shall take knowledge of them, that they be all the sons
of their God, and shall divide them upon the earth according
to their tribes.
Vs. 81. And the sojourner and the stranger shall dwell with them no
more.
He shall judge the nations and the peoples with the wisdom of
his righteousness. Selah,
Vs. 82. And he shall possess the nations of the heathen to serve him
beneath his yoke ; and he shall glorify the Lord in a place to
be seen of the whole earth, etc.**
At first sight Selah seems to be out of place ; ' but on a closer
look it becomes apparent that vs. 32 might be connected with
vs. 31a as easily as with vs. 316, so that the connection between
vss. 31 and 32 is not so close but that a Selah could intervene.
The explanation is simple, if it be remembered that Selah does
not indicate, according to this theory, a necessary, but a permis-
sible division in the psalm, and only shows that the section thus
marked oflf may be omitted when advisable. Vs. 316 would form
the most fitting conclusion for a stanza to be found in this portion
of the psalm. On the other hand it is quite conceivable that this
half of vs. 31 may have been quoted by itself in the same way in
which Pss. 3:8; 46:7, and like passages from the canonical
Psalter are incorporated repeatedly in the various parts of the
Jewish Prayer Book. It reminds one of Pss. 96:136; 98:96 from
the Hallel.
Thus the two examples of Selah in the Psalms of Solomon
favor the interpretation now under consideration. The passages
in the Jewish Liturgy remain for examination.
We have first to consider the five authenticated examples;
namely, those in the TViXOy tlSV2W and those in the morning
benedictions preceding the JOtD .
M Byle and Jamee, Pfolnw cfSolamon^ pp. 13(M1.
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The third of the eighteen benedictions reads as follows:
"Thou art holy, and thy name is holy, and holy beings praise
thee daily. {Selah,) Blessed art thou, O Lord, the holy God."*^
There is no difficulty in explaining the use of this benediction
(or of the first three benedictions out of the eighteen) apart from
the rest. We have already seen that the first three and the last
three are accounted by scholars to be the most ancient of these
ancient blessings. Not only so, but they are used more fre-
quently than the rest, and this third benediction occurs repeatedly
by itself in the Prayer Book. The only difficulty lies in the
position of Selah in the midst of the blessing. Even this diffi-
culty is removed, however, when one turns to the Authorised
Prayer Book (p. 239), and there, among the references to the
parts of the book containing the prayers for the New Year service,
reads this direction : "For the commencement of the Amidah, see
pp. 136-8, from *0 Lord, open thou my lips,' to Upraise thee
daily, {Selah.y Then continue : etc.'*** It is customary, there-
fore, in the Jewish ritual to omit the words following Selah in this
third benediction, on certain occasions. This is exactly what an
advocate of our theory would have been likely to suggest as an
explanation of the original use of Selah in this passage, had
there been no such liturgical direction to support his theory. In
the eighteenth benediction Selah occurs twice. The immediate
context is as ^follows: "and everything that liveth shall give
thanks unto thee forever (Hebr. nbo), and shall praise thy name
in truth, O God, our salvation and our help. (Hebr. nbc left
here untranslated.) Blessed art thou, O Lord, whose name is
All-good, and unto whom it is becoming to give thanks."*' These
words come at the close of what is the longest of the eighteen
benedictions. Both Selahs may be explained on the supposition
that they indicate how the prayer may be shortened, or where
extracts may be made.
In the prayer beginning TIS^ bTl3 ^1*IS bK Selah occurs at
the end as follows : " Be thou blessed, O Lord our God, for the
excellency of thy handiwork, and for the bright luminaries which
thou hast made : they shall glorify thee forever** (Hebr. nbo).*^
It is difficult to judge of this passage, unless one knows whether
it stood originally by itself or not. Jacob speaks of this and the
*^ Cf, AwthoHted Prayer Book, p. 45. *• Authorised Prayer Book, p. 58.
« or. also pp. 245. 256. w Cf. ibid., p. 88.
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26 Hebbaica
prayer which is next to be considered as **the morning benedic-
tions before the Shema." These two prayers are separated by a
short passage which bears some marks of a late date. A portion
of it, however, resembles our " benedictions " and may well have
formed part of an original series of benedictions now imbedded
in later prayers or lost entirely. In the absence of proof, how-
ever, this must be counted among the doubtful uses.
The prayer beginning with the words ''■' IStHilK ns"1 nSHK
13'^nbK closes thus: "Thou hast chosen us from all peoples and
tongues, and hast brought us near unto thy great name forever
(Hebr. nbo) in faithfulness, that we might in love give thanks
unto thee and proclaim thy unity. Blessed art thou, O Lord,
who hast chosen thy people Israel in love.**" How shall we
explain Selah in this passage ? As an example of misplacement,
because it might well stand before the "Blessed art thou," after
the example of benedictions 3 and 18 ? or as indicating the pos-
sibility of closing the prayer with the words "unto thy great
name"? Both explanations are purely conjectural, and yet either
one suits the case much better than those aflforded by any of the
other interpretations proposed for Selah.
Of the examples th^t remain two are clearly not genuine, and
the others are of questionable origin. One of these appears at
the close of the prayer appointed for the sabbath preceding the
new moon, following the amen. Its originality has been doubted
on the ground that it is lacking in this prayer as quoted in the
Talmud. But whether this Selah be genuine or not, it might be
explained on the assumption that it indicated a permissible break
or close for this portion of the liturgy, the only difficulty being
its presence after the amen.
The last example is that which occurs in the brief blessing :
"May he who bestowed all good on thee bestow all good on thee.
Selah,** This benediction may have originally formed one of a
group. But as nothing certain is known as to its date or original
context, we have no means of judging as to the authenticity of
the Selah. Certainly it does not count against our theory.
Thus it is evident that, in spite of a few doubtful cases, all of
which may be explained in one way or another, the use of Selah
is accounted for in a reasonable manner by the theory that it
marks the end of a section, or the secondary close, in psalm or
SI Authoriaed Prayer Book^ p. 40.
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prayer. This is the only one of the theories considered which
has satisfied all the requirements of the case. The support of the
LXX may be claimed for it, and it is favored by such traditions
concerning the temple ritual as are preserved to us in the Talmud.
The Jewish tradition as to the meaning of Selah and the early
Christian tradition as to the meaning of Sta-^aXfta still remain to
be accounted for. In his recent article on Selah,*** Professor
Briggs oflFers an explanation which seems to reconcile this con-
flicting testimony, to do justice to the modem theories here dis-
cussed, and to throw light upon the use as well as upon the
meaning of Selah. He suggests that when a section of psalm or
prayer was used apart from its context in liturgical service, it was
followed by a doxology : so that flbo marked the place for a
doxology. Psalter and Prayer Book alike bear testimony to the
early fondness of the Jews for the doxology. Graetz" writes as
follows: **Zum Schlusse des Psalmes oder der Psalmgruppe
pflegte der Liturge noch eine Doxologie hinzuzuftlgen ;'* and
again, referring to the benedictions at the close of Pss. 41, 72, 89,
106, he writes : " Die Benediction gehOrt .... keinesweges
ausschliesslich diesen vier Psalmen an, sondem war bei jeder
Recitation irgend eines Psalmes in Gebrauch."
Baethgen** quotes Jacob of Edessa (Bar Hebr. 10:1) in the
following words :
In einigen .... Exemplaren ist statt Sia^oX/ta "QT bSS (d. i. dc/)
geschrieben. Nftmlich allenthalben wo die Sftnger, welche Gott mit
Lobliedem priesen, ihre Worte abbrachen, musste das zuhOrende Volk
nach ihnen dies '^immer" anstimmen, sozusagen : immer sei Gott gelobt
und gepriesen durch diese Loblieder, ebenso wie bei uns in der Kirche
nach dem '^jetzt und immerdar und in alle Ewigkeit" das Volk zur
Bestfttigung "amen" sagt.
Baethgen's comment is :
Diese Erklftrung wtUrde sachlich vOllig befriedigen ; es ist aber nicht
erklftrt und Iftsst sich nicht erklftren, wie ilbo zu der Bedeutung dci
kommen sollte.
But if the rendering of the Jewish-Palestinian versions is the
last word of a doxology, used according to ancient custom to repre-
sent the whole doxology ; and if Selah marks the place where this
doxology was used, then indeed it is easy to explain how Selah
93 See footnote 1.
^ Comm. z, d, P$almen^ pp. 63, 02.
^^ HandhommetUar g, Alt. Tettament, II, 2, p. xii.
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28 Hebbaioa
came to have the meaning of oeL According to this view the
Jewish tradition preserves not the meaning, but the use, of
Selah, as marking the place for a benediction.
Professor Briggs explains the early Christian tradition by the
fact that such benedictions were usually sung or chanted ; so that
the place marked by Sidy^aXfia was frequently the place for a
change in the music. This conclusion harmonizes with the result
reached by him in his inductive study of the Selah psalms;
namely, that Selah "indicates some kind of a change in the
musical rendering.'' It also seems to meet the requirements of
scholars who have been led to think that Selah marked the place
for prayer, for a change of some kind in the music, for a pause in
the service, and the like.
There is some doubt as to the etymology of nbo . Scholars
differ as to its derivation in accordance with their diflferent views
as to its meaning. Origen transliterates nbo by a-eX. This looks
as though the H were an addition to the stem. In that case bo
would be the imperative of bbo "to lift up," and JlbO would be
the cohortative imperative."
Jacob suggests that the Massorites, not understanding Selah,
but accepting the traditional Hebrew interpretation that it was a
synonym for n23 , pointed accordingly flbo , the patach becom-
ing qames before Jl." Compare with this the pointing of the
divine name mfT*. This explanation seems more satisfactory
than the usual one, that the pointing is that of the imperative in
pause. The meaning which this derivation gives to Selah, t. e.,
Lift up (the voice in a doxology), corresponds with the service
which the word seems to have rendered.
Our examination of the various conjectures as to the meaning
and use of Selah has led to the following conclusions :
a) That Selah does not mean forever^ but it marks the place for a
doxology ending in forever.
b) That Selah does not indicate the close of a strophe, but it usually
stands at the end of one.
c) That Selah is not an abbreviation, but the word by which it is
translated in many versions represents an entire sentence.
d) That Selah was not a musical note, but it indicated the place for
the singing of the doxology with such musical changes as custom may
have dictated.
M Cf, G. A. Brings, as quoted in footnote 1.
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e) That Selah was not, strictly speaking, a call to prayer, and yet it
marked the place where psalm or prayer might be brought to a close
with a doxology.
/) That Selah was a liturgical direction, providing for the lifting
up of the voices in a doxology at the close of a liturgical section, and
indicating the proper division of psalm or prayer in liturgical usage.
This seems to have been the significance of Selah. It is a
meaning in harmony with the rendering of the versions, with the
simplest and most commonly accepted derivation, and with the
usage of the word in the Scriptures, the Psalms of Solomon, and
the Hebrew Liturgy. It seems to satisfy all the requirements of
the case. But supposing that it does so, there still remain many
questions which call for an answer. How are we to account for
the absence of Selah from 100 or more of the 150 psalms of the
canonical Psalter and from 16 out of the 18 psalms of Solomon?
Granting that there was an early as well as a late use of Selah, was
there any difference between them? Was there an independent
use of Selah among the Jews of the dispersion? Questions such
as these remain for the consideration of scholars.
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ON A PASSAGE IN THE BABYLONIAN NIMROD EPIC.
Bt Fbofbssob Chbistopheb Johnston, M.D., Ph.D.,
Johns Hopkins University, Bcdtimore, Md.
In the great epic poem celebrating the exploits of the Baby-
lonian Nimrod Gilgames — of course identical with the king
Gilgamos mentioned in Aelian, Ilepl Zoo&Pj XII, 21 — it is related
that the hero, being afflicted by the goddess Istar with a loath-
some disease, apparently lues venerea,^ determines to seek the aid
of his ancestor, the Babylonian Noah, Xisouthros, who had been
miraculously preserved from the universal destruction at the time
of the deluge, and had been translated, endowed with immortality,
to the Island of the Blessed "at the mouth of the rivers." This
means, of course, the mysterious region at the confluence of the
four rivers of Paradise, the Euphrates, the Tigris, the Karoon,
and the Kerkha, at the northern shore of the Persian gulf.*
After a series of wonderful adventures, Gilgames reaches the
shore of the waters of death and is ferried over by the ferryman,
Arad-Ea. On his arrival at the Island of the Blessed he is met
by his ancestor Xisouthros, who, after giving him an account of
his miraculous preservation in the great flood, heals him of his
disease by means of magical rites and purifying baths, and, as a
parting gift, informs him how to obtain a certain wonderful plant
which has the power of imparting perpetual youth. Gilgames,
following the instructions of his ancestor, obtains the coveted
plant and embarks with it on his homeward journey to Erech, in
company with the ferryman of the waters of death, Arad-Ea.
On reaching the farther shore he travels toward Erech, but, stop-
ping to drink at a fountain of cool water, he is startled by a demon
in the form of a serpent and drops the plant, which is immediately
seized and carried off by the evil deity. Lamenting the irreparable
loss he resumes his journey, and finally arrives at Erech.
1 See the interesting paper on this subject by the Vienna dermatologist, Dr. J. K.
Proksch, entitled ** Syphilis in Ancient Babylonia and Assyria/* published in Unna*t
Dermatological Monthly, Vol. XII (1881).
2 See Professor Haupt's article, '* Wo lag das Paradies Y* in Ueber Land und Afser,
1804-05, No. 15.
30
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On a Passage in the Babylonian Nimbod Epic 31
Lines 300-301 of the eleventh tablet (Hanpt's Nimrod Epic,
p. 148), describing the homeward journey before the adventure
at the fountain, read as follows : ana esrA KAS.BU iksuptl
kusftpu, ana selasft EAS.BU iskuntl ntlbattu. Lines
318-19, which are identical, refer to the progress toward Erech
after the loss of the magic plant. The late George Smith read
in the first passage the figures 10 and 20 instead of 20 and 30,
respectively, and Delitzsch's edition of the text in his Assyrische
LesestUcke (3d ed., 1885, p. 109, 1. 269) has the same reading.
Ptofessor Haupt's collation of the text, however, makes it evident
that the figures 20 and 30 must be read in both cases (c/. Beitr.
zur Assyr., Vol. I, p. 144). The same words also occur in 11.
44-5 of the fragment relating to the adventure with the tyrant
Khumbaba — evidently the Kofi^dfio^ of Lucian's Jlepl 7^9 ^vpitf^
Seov — published on p. 57 of Haupt's Nimrod Epic,
These lines have been variously interpreted. George Smith, in
his Chaldean Account of Genesis, rendered the first passage : " for
10 kaspu (70 miles) they journeyed the stage, for 20 kaspu
(140 miles) they made hostility." As the older Assyriologists,
according to a principle not yet entirely extinct, liked to lend variety
to their renderings of the same phrases, he translated the lines in
the second passage: "20 kaspu (140 miles) they journeyed the
stage. For 30 kaspu (210 miles) they performed the labour."
Dr. Alfred Jeremias, in his article "Izdubar-Nimrod," pub-
lished in Roscher's AusfUhrliches Lexikon der Oriechiscl\en und
ROmischen Mythologie, Vol. II, translates the first passage, "they
traveled 10( ?) miles by stages [stilckweise'\ ;' after 20 miles they
made a halt." The second passage he renders in the same way,
reading, of course, 20 and 30 instead of 10 and 20, respectively.
Professor Jensen, of Marburg, in his Kosmologie der Bahylonier
(Strassburg, 1890, p. 107) renders, "every 10 (20) hours they
rested [rasteten sie], every 20 (30) hours they reposed [ruhten
«ie]," meaning apparently that every 10 (20) hours they took a
rest or breathing spell, and every 20 (30) hours they took a
sleep. Jensen, however, withdraws this explanation in his addenda
and corrigenda (p. 502), where he explains kusftpu as meaning
probably "food, food-offering" (c/. also pp. 532, 535). Professor
Delitzsch in his HandwCrterhuch (p. 344), adopting Professor
Haupt's reading of the numerals, renders, "after every 20 miles
»I. e., halting repeatedly, like T^TOttb ^b■^ in the story of Abraham, Gen. 13:3.
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32 Hebbaiga
they held a lament for the dead, after every 30 miles they per-
formed ceremonies in honor of the dead '* — a commendable evi-
dence of their piety, but hardly probable. All these explanations
are more or less conjectural and fail to remove the difficulties
which center about the words iksuptl kusftpu and ntlbattu.
Professor Sayce {Hibbert Lectures^ 1887, pp. 71, n. 1 ; 76, n. 2)
considers that ntlbattu is borrowed from the Sumerian nu-
bad "incomplete,** and thinks it means "fast-day;*' but this
explanation, though ingenious, is hardly convincing.
Although in a single passage (II R., plate 32, 13) [tlm]
ntlbatti"^ apparently occurs as a synonym of tlm idirti "day
of tribulation,*' it is quite certain that ntlbattu does not in
every case mean "fast-day.** In the hemerology for the inter-
calary month of Elul (IV R., plate 32) all the days designated as
ntlbattu are qualified as tlmu mftgiru "lucky day." Jensen,
Kosmologie, xedAa NU.BAD as an ideogram with tu as pho-
netic complement, and thinks that it is perhaps to be read
sabattu (Hebr. fQID "sabbath*'). He here (p. 107) assigns
to the word the meaning "rest," but withdraws this explanation
in a note subsequently added (p. 502). Professor Delitzsch,
who comments upon the word at some length in Beitr. zur Assyr.^
Vol. I, p. 231, offers nupittu and numittu as possible read-
ings. He arrives at no definite conclusion in regard to the ety-
mology, but is inclined to think that nubattu (nupittu,
numittu) means "holiday," as opposed to "workday," adducing
a number of passages in support of his view. In his Handw&rter-
buck, p. 344, he gives nubattu (with the alternate readings
nubittu, numittu) as meaning, perhaps, " lamentation, sigh,"
then, with special reference to fervent prayer, "time of repent-
ance and prayer," etc., but remarks that the explanation is not
very certain. Quoting {ibid.) from the passage of the Nimrod
Epic at present under consideration, Delitzsch defines "here
apparently of lamentation for the dead [Todtenklage^, ceremony
in honor of the dead [Todtenfeier].** This rendering, which
hardly suits the context (especially in the fragment relating to
the slaying of the tyrant Khumbaba), he doubtless bases on his
erroneous interpretation of kispu {Handw,, p. 344), and the
occurrence of the words iksuptl kusftpu in the preceding line»
Professor Haupt, writing in 1889 in Beitrdge zur Assyriolo-
gie (Vol. I, p. 144), suggested that ntlbattu might be derived
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On a Passagb in the Babylonian Nimbod Epic 33
from the stem TS? "to serve." Ntlbattu (= mu'badtu, with
the well-known dissimilation of the initial labial nasal) would
then have originally signified "divine service, worship" (like
Mishnic 0*135), then "religions festival, holy day," and finally
" holiday " in general. It is true, as Professor Haupt points out,
that the stem IDS occurs elsewhere in Assyrian only in the rare
word abdu, given in the vocabularies as a synonym of ardu,
"servant," but this constitutes no valid objection. '-4&d "serv-
ant" is doubtless a primitive Semitic word, and in religious
terminology the survival of archaic expressions is not uncommon.
Certainly the meaning "holy day, holiday" suits all the passages
in which nflbattu occurs. In the single case referred to
above where [tlm] nflbatti"* occurs in a vocabulary parallel
to tlm idirti "day of tribulation," the two expressions need
not be taken as exact synonyms. The question of synonyms in
the Assyrian vocabularies is one that must, at all times, be handled
with caution; besides, it is hardly possible to defin*5 ^be exact
shade of meaning of a word found only in a vocabulary and not
within the context of a coherent text. It is quite possible that
tlm nflbatti"^ "holy day," as a general expression, may have
been used in certain cases for ftm idirti, "day of tribulation,"
or whatever the phrase may mean, as a day of worship with the
special object of deprecating divine wrath. German Busstag^
"day of repentance, fast-day" — or, as it is rendered in Thieme-
Preusser's Standard Oerman-English Dictionary y "penitentiary
day" — in the various states of Germany is really less a day of
repentance than a holiday like our Thanksgiving Day.* It must
also be noted that vocabularies were frequently prepared for the
elucidation of particular texts, and in such cases, as in all ancient
glossaries, only rare words or words occurring in unusual mean-
ngs are explained in them. The definition of [tlm] nflbatti™
as tlm idirti may be a case in point. At all events, too much
stress should not be laid upon an apparent exception of this
nature as opposed to numerous other passages, and we need have
little hesitation in rendering the words ana selasft KAS.BU
iskuntl ntlbattu, "every 30 double leagues they took a rest"
(literally, "made a holiday").
The verb kasftpu is explained by Delitzsch in his Hand-'
w6rterbuohy p. 344, as a denominative from kus&pu, and the
4 For the legcd Bumtctg in Saxony, for example, the Pmssian beer gardens, across the
frontier, annoonoe book beer, dances, and other eridenoes of repentance, and vice vena.
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34 HSBBAICA
phrase iksnptl kus&pu is rendered "they held a lament for
the dead." This phrase has long been explained by Professor
Hanpt in his classes as meaning "they took a meal/* and this
interpretation is now substantiated by two passages to be found
in Harper's Assyrian and Babylonian Letters. The first passage
occurs in the text 82, 5-22, 174 (= Harper's Letters, No. 341).
It is a letter from Samas-mlta-uballi} to the king, and,
omitting the formula of greeting, it reads as follows: umft
amtu sa sarri Bft'u-gamilat margat adannis: 1ft
kusftpi takkal. Umft sarru bell temi liskun, astl
isten lillika llmursi, " Bft'u-gamilat, the handmaid of the
king, is very ill : she eats no food. Let my lord the king give
orders that a physician may come and see her." The second
passage occurs in the text K. 569, published in the first volume
of Harper's Letters (No. 78). In this letter the astrologer
Balasl^ writes to the king (obv., 11. 9-12): Bel-flmu-egl, sa
ikkusu sarru ukarrtlni, kusftpu la ekuluni, adl im-
mate sa'ftlsu, "Bel-tlmu-egl, whose heart the king has
grieved, eats no food, (but) asks (continually), how long (shall I
be thus afflicted) ?" In these two instances it is clear that
kusftpu can only mean "food," and the whole passage from the
Nimrod Epic should therefore be rendered: "every 20 double
leagues they took a meal ; every 30 double leagues they took
a rest."
The primitive meaning of the stem ^05 seems to have been
"to be pale, or white," whence Assyrian kaspu "silver" (TjCS,
KBpS), t. e., as in Sumerian ku-babbar, "the pale, or white
metal." In the Old Testament the verb rjOS occurs in four pas-
sages in the meaning "to be eager, long for," properly "to turn
pale with longing" (Gen. 31:30 ; Pss. 17:12 ; 84:3 ; Job 14:15).
In post-biblical Hebrew the word has the same signification (c/l
Levy, NeU'Hebr, WB., Vol. II, p. 368). In Assyrian kusftpu
the sense seems to have been specialized, and the word would
mean first "longing for food, hunger," and then, applied to the
object longed for, "food," just as biblu means both "desire"
and "object of desire." We have an excellent parallel in bflbtltu,
a reduplicated form from the stem ImS, meaning originally
"emptiness," then "hunger," and finally "food." Numerous
passages for the use of btlbtltu in both meanings are cited in
s See my thesis. The Epittolarw Literature of the Aa$}friant and BabyUmiatUt Part I.
p. 158, No. 12.
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On a Passage in the Babylonian Nimbod Epio 85
Delitzsch's HandwOrterbuch, p. 166. In the phrase iksupfl
kus&pu the verb is doubtless denominative, as explained by
Delitzsch.
The word kispu is explained by Dr. Alfred Jeremias in his
work, Die Babylonisch-Assyrischen Vorstellungen vom Leben
nach dem Tode (Leipzig, 1887) as meaning "lamentation"
{Trauerklage), while Delitzsch, in his review of Dr. Jeremias'
book {Lit. Centr.'BL, March 16, 1889), prefers to translate
"offering to the dead" {Todtenopfer) . In his Handw&rterbuch,
however, he defines the word as "lament for the dead" {Todten-
klage), "ceremony in honor of the dead" [Todtenfeier) . The
correct explanation of kispu was given in 1889 by Professor
Haupt, who stated in Beitr. zur Assyr., Vol. I, p. 316, that it
meant an offering of food to the shades of the dead, while naq
me, which occurs in connection with kispu, meant a drink-
offering. Thus Sardanapallus, slaying the captured Babylonians,
ironically remarks in his annals (Asurb., col. iv, 10 sqq.) that
he kills them as an offering (ina kispi) to the manes of his
grandfather Sennacherib ; and when, after the capture of Susa,
he exposes and desecrates the tombs of the ancient Elamite kings,
he states, ekimmesunu 1ft galftlu emid, kispe naq-me
uzamml suntlti, "I made their shades have no repose, I
deprived them of food- and drink-offerings" (Asurb., col. vi, 11.
75-6). The same monarch, in the text K. 891, rev. 1-2 (Pinches,
Tex/s, p. 17), informs us: add kispi naq m6 ana ekimme
sarrftni ftliktlt maxri sa subtulu arkus, ana ili u
amelfttu"^, ana mltflti u bal|>tlti (ftbta epus, "the
observance of food- and drink-offerings to the manes of the kings
my predecessors, which had fallen into disuse, I reestablished ;
to god and man, to the dead and to the living, I did (ever)
good."' Although the vocabulary, published II R., plate 32,
No. 1, is partly mutilated, it is probable that flm kispi is to
be read in 1. 12a, and this could very well mean a day specially
appointed for making food-offerings to the shades of the departed
— a sort of Assyrian All-Souls* Day.^ This explanation is cer-
tainly more satisfactory than the older one, combining naq me
"pouring out of water" with the familiar Hebrew phrase 'j'^riipa
"I'pS (or perhaps more correctly I^Flipa), rendered in the A. V.
9 See Meissner^a Supplement zu den Auyritchen WQrierbiUhem, p. 286.
7 See Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria^ p. 682.
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36 Hebbaioa
" that pisseth against the wall." Of conrse, in the Old Testament
this expression simply means "male." It is well known that
the English geologist W. E. Loftus, during his excavations in
southern Babylonia, found in the graves of the great necropolis
at Warka, the Erech of the Nimrod Epic, numberless small clay
water-jars and flat clay dishes with the remains of food, fish and
chicken bones, date-stones, etc., evidently placed there for the
sustenance of the departed. The custom, as well as the Baby-
lonian belief in regard to the subject, receives light from the last
lines of the Nimrod Epic. There {Beitr, zur Assyr., Vol. I,
p. 65) we read that the hero slain in battle rests upon a couch,
drinking pure water, while his kindred lavish upon him their
loving care ; but there is no rest for him whose corpse has been
left unburied in the fields. The conclusion of the passage (11.
9-12) is as follows : sa ekimmuiu pftqida 1ft istl, tftmur
atamar, sukulftt diqari, kusipftt akftli sa ina stlqi
nadft ikkal, ''he whose shade has none to care for it — thou
hast seen, and I have seen — consumes the dregs of the bowl, the
broken fragments of food that are cast in the street."
The piety of Sardanapallus toward his grandfather and the
ancient kings of Assyria, as well as his revengeful act toward
his old enemies of Elam, can therefore be readily understood. In
the former case he acts asa pftqidu to secure the repose of the
souls of his ancestors ; in the latter case he carries his vengeance
beyond the grave and condemns the shades of his foes to a most
wretched existence.'
8 See Jastrow^B BeliaUm cf Bahylonia and Attyria^ pp. 596 tqq.
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A SYRIAC ARABIC NARRATIVE OF MIRACLES OF
JESUS.
By Bbv. W. Soott Watson, A.M.,
Weet New York, N. J.
Among some manuscripts that I obtained in Sidon, Syria, was
a fragment of eight leaves, of which the first eleven pages contain
the concluding portion of a collection of extra-canonical accounts
of miraculous events alleged to have occurred in the life of Jesus.
What remains of the text is here published. The work evidently
was not an original one in Arabic, but a translation from the
Syriac. The date given in the colophon corresponds to A. D.
1599.
^ ABABIO TEXT.
jJL^ Jii^i^ 3Ub(> >Uy^ >aUu^ J^ JuU I4JU0 Jk£^Ji U^^ aUuJt
JOft Jt X^i^ UDcXS^U |v5C^(> oVb «^%t (i$J6 JOU 94XAfr d-^^J
Le s^JJOi^^ Jt L^ ouut Ju», |f^(> oVt ^^t ^JOfr J^.«ai Ju^^
o>4X<o3i ^^.«d^i ft^\ Juuyb t t aJ jUi L^ ^A,.«nt ^V^^' ^OJt
iThewords aUUw A^ JuU L^JUo Jk^Jt li^« are probably to be omitted m
a dlttograph. -^ ^ • ^ 7?
s It aeems mmeeessary to note eyerjr instance of tlie oonfosion of letters (e. g,, the use of
U for ^ y ^ for 4^ y and ^ for ^) or of the oooorrence of more serions departures
from classical correctness, as the Arabic scholar to whom snch a list may be of interest can
readily gather the facts for himself.
37
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38 Hebbaioa
^jyST \Jiir%> m^y H^ J^) ^ji j Utiyw J t ^ vX^t^ tjj^^ Jujb aJ
J0^^4*JI f^^ ^Ml ^^1 jf;-A-ft^ [p. 2] Juuf^f ^^^L-J ^^^
v^^ 'ft H ^iL&y*fr JlJ^I IUJu J^-^ ^jjoI ^j^jO J^| ^IS^ JU^JJlJI
iJuuJf w^ ^j^ v:>3«> ^JJI »yVf JU ^5 '^^-JL-fc^ ^LiJl
Lumt^ LfJ JLftj ^li'j jijJI ouy ^jjo LjxfeLM ^jjo vao^ 4t*^^
imL^yJ ^S py^} v;>3t ^yi^) *>f^^ <4^ l^yoJJ UdIjL& UJ^
^jjo^ bl ^jjo ^1 tiOjb 3^^j LsdUd Jf Jlju j2.^yf Ljx^f LfJ
vjdLs. ^,M.>t| v:;Ait oJU^ qmLJI ftJuJI Jjuo ^,A<ni ^LJb oJtiai^
U^uJU [p. 8] o^* Li-T i^JLaJI (ja A y o^t vAVI^ v;;^t^LMJt
«^ mJLS i^^ (>J^ ^1^^ vi$J6 ^ ^^^U^t v,/.Aj Jl^ ^VI
^{MM^Jt yD IjjD iJkA.!^ Ui ^)^jo )yi\jy |»ft^gr ou^(>^ (i$J6 ^
^^ Jlju xJLJt ^ v»>yu4Ji ^^{mmmJI y^ l(Xi» J^Jy^t c;aJLi^
^yta^.l, ^^ftXliil v:i)Uydil ^iSJbJ^JuuJl JU^ LjJL^ |V^Vl^ J^l^t
s Words written in red ink in the manuscript are here underlined.
4Bead
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A Stbiao-Ababio Nabbativb of Mibaoles of Jesus 39
v:>^^ Cf;' l?*^^ '*^^ ^'^ J^yU^' J^' (j' ^^^ '*^r*^. v^;'^
^Lo^ (>Liai^t wy^t bt sUwJ (>L4^( ^Li [p. 4] ^y^syi ^.Ji^
vs^Lo ^^JC^ [»Ahr ^f^) sJuJl^ sJl^ JbUt (i^^) ^ Q^UJt J^
9^^ aL^t ^^^^L^ Lb t^JL^i ^1 t(Xi» Uft ^o (WJi t(Xi»
U& ^7^ u' ^^ aJLyJ^ (i$u^ Jbo . &3b (tf cX^^ A»M,»tt fiy^\
i g ^t &J JU^ aJLtf^ (jM*j«>^^ luJi bo^i Kift^ttt SUJLJt sJJ^
|JbJl Jl ouut^ Jl-w.^ aJLJI ^^^ ^iJol pJL*3 Ul ibJf jjlajl
UJU ^jJL^U oylt^ iai^l ^ JuJUt l4JL^ Jy [p. 6] &Ai ^
bi>^ otyll wv-^ J^ y^y^ iai^l b^ «iot^ (iU^ ^^^^yi
5jjD b^ ^<^|^ <i$U4Jtb bJ y-A^I^ viSUA.^0 U^b bj\% J^^st^
(>XJt (i$Jj ^jx ovamJI |»^ ^ H^T^ <j' ^(74^' ^i$^jJ bjuuM ^\
& In the preoeding three linef, as well as in the following sentence, the translator into
Arabic has given a doable rendering of portions of the text before him.
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40 Hebbaioa
jJLJI Ij-SUm^ VLjLy vJlJL^ UJuumJ yj^li <^JUJ 9«>J3J^ ^IL^Ust
yj^j9 ^LaJ! oili' (jLoyJf vi5J3 v5 [p. 6] ^*-A^5 tfV V^' *
«^l.^t it A h > j (i$U^ ^i»Mi L^t aJju U^li lijJb J^-^^ ^"^4^
tjJU^^U ^iX^Jbj [Q^yJLSiJ i^jTy^pfc^ (XS A»M,»tt bjuuM i^gJ jUi
V, JJUI ijLjft ^ M/U5 % lyuis V ^1 ^UJI L4-^f ^b
i« JU^ lob^ J^,s^4t bb ^j^ ^JJI Juubbb j^f ^^
^^-£^1^ i- Jb Uli ^jmwmJ! iJuuJf jyof U^ [p. 7] jJUf ^ly
Jb^ 9ju Jl.4-^ r^yflSid^ ^LaJI ^ &Jt «4;cs>t i^6 iXJLJt
V^ &Jt l^(>^ Hy iLjL-i 'M^U5 V, jJUt sjj» ^ tyyo^l i^gJ
Juobbb J^yi fiX-jJ f^iX^r^ *ftLJf «i5LJL5 ^ ^y^ gL*JI
SBead v«^^.4dAJ . SBead 0S^ y 62. lofioad t^Lft?.
7Boad XJ^Uai^. 9Boad t^UU. uRead t^inihi.
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A Stbiao-Ababio Nabbative of Mibaoles of Jesus 41
Jl^ J^^ ^juL/ vJlJL^ ^^^^ ^iXii^ ly^t pH^^t N->4^' '^^
(jl^ ^^bbft^ jM^jolflt N^^^t o s^Jl^^ jJJt t^^auy^ Juubli'b
S4Xax^^' 1% d t <o^ La^j &JO ^ |»UVt (j^ w 1 ^ ^ ,M*.» H bjuuM
^Ia^mi jUi j.» > *^. tt [p. 8] ousx^ L^Jt |»4 A .A x U^ ^^^t^i
ouui ^K^ ifc<i> ^ t t(Xi^ ^ (J^^ LmJI b(> 03 bjuuM b U^l
b Ji^ob |%^JL&«^t wvft^ N.^^^ A»M.»tt ^y^ bjuuM aJ Jliii &Ai
jlJL^L l(>b v«i)v^ sJ^ v^ ^-^^ J^) 4XjfiLi aOjjLjt Jt ^La^am
aUbtXjf ^1 Jl^Jl^ it3b SOJ^ JyyJ\ Ju^ UJLjw ^f nJ JySi
Jujo'XjJS f^l^) IjUoJt ^b^yyv w^^ /x]3 ^{mm^JI g^^' bjuUw
Jt 4)uy0^bJt J^-^(> JCJt.) (I^^Jt tjL^ -. v^ 1^ ^^^EXyyUO^ XJbt
I ■>cX«jL,w L^(>^ uy^y" J^-'H^ (i' bd^^ aJyuo ^t [p. 9] aUjjLji
ouuJi ^5 ^jJl »cV i frVl ^)l ^Ip^ aJyuP vi' bjuu*. ft^^ J^«>
A»M.»tt Juuybtt jUi "^g^y».<dej <i$^AAjJ& ^j.^ vM»^ ^«-A^ 94X4^3)
IS Bead i^ixjb^m.
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42 Hebbaioa
yjjJ^ V >4^^ <(^^U J^ty^t ^5^ V^^9 ^^^ ^^"^^ ^)^^ ^(^
U^ (5^ r^ ^ ^^'^ V^ C^/^ v5^ v:^^' c^^ ^y^
A ^JJI ^f i^fiX* «jyrt jj*,UJI i^ljjj ^ ^1 ^^ vs^I^LmJ!
^Ia^am &ji^^ %^li* )^-J^ Jl La^^ i^-M^i ^^^' l»^ ^(^ v&>I^LM«Ji
aJ^ ^)4>^Vl ^ ^^ fy^y Ufl^^ if La. ^i5J<> OJ^ aUU* ,^ilJ
|v^aS.| |vj^5 (5*^^^ Vr**^ (X-L-^ »^LiJI ,5 |VJ^ auolj ^fc-^f
aLjol o^t^ auot v.>AJLait 4XAfr ^1^ ^t Jh^^( ^^ /^^^ (5^'
A % M ,». t t bjuuM iX-JL-i^ U^ >^* rfc >t V^ ^1 L^ ,jX^ |J i^Jwo ^V
^K', JyiJI JkA^Vl U>.^ ^JLo, ULoJI ^L»*^ Udj^ U*Jf if
soyuo Juu gjuuybtt [p. 11] ouoUt^ aUuM ^jju^' auu%l ysi u^^Vl
v^,l -& Jt ^LJt I4JUO 4X*MA«Jt aJVl v^Jt jLyJLi 4e,jJUUtf «^^i
IS For ijM Ju) ; c/., e. a., ^^bL^yO for (|^L^yO above.
uRead U5^. j
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^
A Stbiao-Ababio Nabbative of Mibaoles of Jesus 43
Lu^o^ b^j^ yj^ b^^^Jj^ ^(^ H^l^ ^L-AM^^Vb bjJt J^^
^f ^^^IJUI ^^ 41^ ^ly J^, ^Vf ,.^k*JI^
^^.aaaJI ^^ ^»4)Jt) bLLA.^ sl^Uaife. ^^jjC^t ^UJU iJDt
juubMM^ auLo oVt uuam aUuM ^<> j^^^^ iouMJL&t jM^b ^•JLjt
TBANSLATION.
The man ... of it as every year. As gardens of cucumbers was the
land of Palestine in that year. And he paid his debt and his condition
improved, and there remained with him after that four thousand pieces
of money \lit, dirhems]. And he took them and went to our Lord the
Christ and said to him, O my Lord, I have paid my debt and my condition
hath improved, and there remain with me four thousand pieces of money
and I have brought them for thy service. What dost thou command me
to do with them 7 And the Lord the Christ said to him. Go, give alms
with them to the poor. Then he returned to him and said to him, O my
Lord, I have given alms to the destitute and the poor with the pieces
of money, as thou didst command me, until there remaineth not one of
them with me. The Lord said to him. Excellent is what thou hast done ;
now follow me. And he followed him and became a disciple of him.
And this was one of the seventy, and through him a great multitude of
the children of Israel and of others returned to the faith and received the
holy baptism, and the first who believed through him were the people of
Askelon.
The Twenty-second Miracle,
Concerning the state of the woman who came near the garment of
the Lord the Christ and was healed of the issue of blood from that hour.
And she was called Josiphiah. And when he cured her, the Jews
murmured against him and said. Thou art [only] Jesus, the son of Joseph
the carpenter. Then Jesus turned to the rock and saw on it lizards
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44 Hebbaioa
rushing about, and he said to them, O wild beasts, come hither and
inform this multitude who I am and whence I came and whither I go.
And those lizards came with haste and did obeisance before our Lord
the Christ. And the men wondered at them. And they opened their
mouth and spake with an eloquent tongue like the tongues of men and
said, Thou art the Christ, the Creator of the heavens and the earth ; thou
art the Savior of the world, as the prophets prophesied concerning thee.
And the persons present wondered greatly at that, and the number of
that multitude was seven thousand four hundred and eighty-two men,
besides the women and the children. And they were perplexed at that
and bewildered, and they said with one voice, This is the Christ, the
Savior of Israel ; this is the Christ sent from God the Exalted for the
salvation of Israel and all the nations. And the Lord said to those
lizards, Depart and return to your feeding-place, and from today there
will not be any communication between you and men. And those lizards
returned unto the wilderness from that time. And all who were present
praised God on account of what they had seen of this admirable miracle.
The Twenty-third Miracle.
Concerning what our Lord did in the expulsion of the locusts from
the land of Palestine and in Galilee and the land of Judah.
And that was that the people of Galilee and the people of Judah
continued planting for four years and a half, and locusts came and fed
upon it. Then the harvest approached, and there came upon the men of
that country a severe calamity and a great famine, so that the more part
of them died. And when they had completed four years and a half of
famine, they gathered together an assembly of the children of Israel and
said when among them. If this man will remove from us this affliction,
come, let us go to him and tell him our case. Then they said to Nico-
demus. We ask thee, O master, to go alone to Jesus the Christ, for he is
thy friend, and to ask him for the sake of God to remove from us this
great affliction. And Nicodemus went to him and asked him and said to
him, O good Master, we know that thou art sent from God and art come
into the world, and thou art the wisdom of God and his might and his
power, and thou art truth. Now there has descended upon this country
in which we are the affliction of anger and locusts ; and be thou moved
with compassion toward us in thy mercy and remove from us the anger
and the impurity. And the locusts have destroyed our country and eaten
our food. Now have mercy on us in thy love and forgive us in thy grace
and remove from us this anger. (And the age of our Lord from the time
that he was bom of our lady St. Mary was twenty years, from when he
was bom of St. Mary.)** And thereupon our Lord commanded those
locusts to disappear on the sabbath day from that country. And the
Jews and the excellent Nicodemus himself saw an angel of God who
spake to our Lord the Christ. When he saw the face of our Lord,
16 The present Arabic text has been adhered to in the translation of this passage ; c/.
note 5.
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A Stbiao-Ababio Nabbatiye of Mibaoles of Jesus 45
there overspread it a light that exceeded the light of the sun seven times.
And thus he saw the angel, when he smote the locusts with his wing and
drove them away with his hands. And a great multitude believed in
our Lord and praised God.
The Twenty-fourth Miracle.
At that time the lions from every quarter had overrun the land of
Askelon, so that no one could go out of the door of his dwelling after the
setting of the sun. And the people of Askelon went unto our Lord and
said unto him, O good Master, Gkxi hath sent thee and we are not
deserving ; remove from us these ravenous lions which have overrun us
and our country, for we know that they will hear thee and obey thy com-
mand. And our Lord the Christ said to them, I have had mercy on you
for the abundance of your solicitation. Now return to your country
and say in [any] place in which the lions gather together, Jesus the
Christ oommandeth you, O lions, that ye continue not nor abide in this
country and that not one become corrupt in it. And the people of
Askelon returned to their country and separated from them a man by
the name of Nathanael who was from Cana of Galilee. And he called
and said in the [manner of] wailing of the country as Jesus the Christ
had commanded. And when he said that in the [manner of] wailing of
the country, a great number of the lions gathered to him. And he
stretched forth his hand and said to them, Depart from this country and
do not abide in it and do not return to it and do not enter it, as Jesus
the Christ, the Savior of the world from their sins, commandeth you ;
and the Christ will not disappoint you in your food, nor doth he summon
you without power. And all the lions bowed their heads in that hour
and did obeisance to this apostle Nathanael ; and they departed from
that country and returned not to it. And when the people of Askelon
saw this great miracle, they believed in our Lord Jesus, [even] a great
multitude, through Nathanael and praised God and glorified him.
The Twenty-fifth Miracle.
And our Lord the Christ was once in the wilderness of Jericho and
his disciples the apostles were with them {sic). Then the evening came
upon them and the sun set ; and Simon Cephas said, O our Lord, the
evening is near and there is in this locality no place to spend the night
in. And our Lord Jesus the Christ said to him. We are in the vicinity
of Jerusalem ; now, O Simon, enter the city, and thou wilt find an old
man with a lamb in his hand, and when thou seest him say to him. Our
Master desireth to stop with thee and will enter the city. Then Simon
entered the city of Jerusalem and met the man as our Lord Jesus the
Christ had said to him. And Simon Cephas and the other disciples
wondered greatly when they saw themselves in Jerusalem and said, This
hour we were in Jericho, and how did we arrive at Jerusalem in one
hour T And they lifted up their voices and praised God, to whom is not
difficult any of the things that he delivered as matters to the humanity
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46 Hbbbaioa
of his Son and his Christ. Then after the entrance of the disciples into
the city this man went out to his dwelling and departed to the Mount of
Olives and invited our Lord the Christ to his dwelling. (And this man
was Gamaliel, the brother of Nicodemus.) And when the Christ our
Lord entered his dwelling and he perceived that the pillars which were
in the house sweated from their fear of him, the owner of the house said,
O my Lord, see the pillars, how they sweat from thy majesty and thy
greatness. And the Lord the Christ said. These stones truly are tender,
but the hearts of the children of Israel are dry [and] hard [and] do not
become tender. And blessed is he who believeth in me and in [the] Holy
Spirit, and woe is he who denieth me ; for who shall deny me before
men, him will I deny before my Father which is in heaven, and who
believeth in me before men, him will I present before my Father which
is in heaven. And he abode that night and departed unto Mount Tabor,
and with him Simon and James and John his brother, and he told them
what should be before his coming, as it is written in the Pure Gospel.
And our Lord worked miracles until he completed thirty years.
Upon that he came to John and was baptized in the Biver Jordan. And
he was thirty years of age. Then he took disciples and began to preach
and to work the great miracles. And in that year Joseph died and left
behind his children, and with them our Lord the Christ and his mother
Mary, in Nazareth with James and Joses and Mary their sister, concern-
ing whom the gospel relateth that there were at the cross his mother
and the sister of his mother, for Mary had no brother or sister." And
when our Lord the Christ ascended into heaven, Simon Cephas baptized
her and the virgin John the Evangelist received her. And the abiding of
the lady in the world was fifty-one years, and the Lord abode on the earth
about thirty-four years, and the lady abode after his ascension four years.
And we ask the Lord,^^ the God incarnated from her, the doer of the
many miracles, that, as he in his mercy caused Adam to live after his
fall, he establish ourselves, even us fallers into sins, and assemble us
with our righteous holy fathers — and may that be to us and to all
believers — and that he avert from us death and chastisement and sus-
picion and trembling and raving and hard affliction and look upon us in
beneficence and favor, and that he save us from our enemy and have
mercy upon us in his mercy, for he is merciful, and look upon us and
guide us into the path of perfection and nourish us into the way of
moderation. And to him be the glory and the honor and the praise and
the majesty now and always and unto the age of ages. Amen.
May God forgive to the miserable copier his sins and the sins of his
parents ; and he is the poor one, the servant of the light, Ignatius by
name. He wrote this in the year seven thousand one hundred and seven
of Adam (upon him be peace).
17 The apparent contradiction in this sentence disappears when we suppose that the
author considered Jam^ and Joees brothers of Joseph and consequently their sister Mary
only a sister-in-law of Mary the mother of Jesus.
18 A different Arabic word is used here than that previously rendered Lord,
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THE INTERPRETATION OF GEN. 6:3.
By Professor George Rioker Berry, Ph.D.,
Ck>l«:ate UniTersity, Hamilton^ N. Y.
The chief object of the present consideration of this verse is
to offer some suggestions concerning the word 1^1^ ; what is said
with reference to the remainder of the verse is really subordinate
to this object.
The verb ]iT is generally, if not universally, explained as the
imperfect of an Y'J verb, "jn , to which the meanings assigned,
however, are very diverse. Of the versions, the LXX, Vulgate,
Peshitto, and Onkelos render "remain, abide." It is commonly
assumed that they had a different text from the Massoretic, but
that is not at all certain. Of the lexicons, Ges.-BuhP' adopts the
same rendering "bleiben," for which, however, it can quote no
better authority than the Egyptian- Arabic word ^\i> , vjlJ^>
which means "immerwfthrend etwas thun." Siegfried-Stade
quote no kindred root and give as the meaning "sich erniedri-
gen?". Briggs-Driver-Brown put the discussion of the word
under the root y^, but give no positive opinion, contenting
themselves with stating four different views, to each of which
they give some strong objection. It is presumably needless to
quote the multifarious opinions of commentators.
It is surprising, however, that the unnaturalness of deriving
this word from an Y'J root has not been generally observed. Of
course, the usual form of an Y'J imperfect would be 7^T . The
form "jiT could not strictly be a stative imperfect like 'liH'] or
10*0'] , for then it would be "jiT . His^ presents the same form>
but HiS"^ itself is an unusual form. The form 'til*' could be that
T I T
of the i'y jussive imperfect, but that is rendered quite improbable
by the occurrence of tkb and not bsi before the word. So any
explanation of "jiT as an Y'J form meets with diflBiculties. Add
to these considerations the fact that those who regard it as a
form of an Y'J verb are unable to present any parallel root in the
Arabic or elsewhere which is at all satisfactory, and it must be
evident that it is not natural to consider it a form of an 1*^5 verb.
47
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48 Hbbbaioa
It is natural, however, to consider the form to be that of an
5"y verb 'jS'n . The only possible diflSculty in form is the vowel i,
fully written when it would really be tone-long. But in answer
to this it may be said, first, that the same objection would hold
against the common view that it is the jussive imperfect of an
Y'y verb, and, secondly, that the full writing of a tone-long vowel
is sufficiently common to make an argument from it of little value.
If we grant that the root is most naturally Tl'^ , the question
next arises whether the root 'jS'n can be identified. The Arabic
gives no root of this kind which has an appropriate meaning, the
root ^^ in Arabic meaning "to murmur, buzz." It is now con-
ceded by many, however, that the Assyrian hew at least as much
right to be consulted in reference to Hebrew roots as the Arabic.
Turning to the Assyrian, we find the root danftnu (]31) to be
one of the most common in the language, meaning "to be strong,
powerful." The definition of Delitzsch [Handwdrterbuchy p. 223)
is "stark, fest, mfichtig sein oder werden."
Before attempting to see how this meaning suits the context
in Gen. 6:3, let us note some probable traces of the existence of
the same root outside of Assyrian, aside from this passage. One
such may be claimed in Hebrew. In Josh. 15:49 occurs the
name of a city in the tribe of Judah, HS'n . This is obviously a
noun with the feminine ending from a root "jS'n . The derivation
of this word has given much trouble, but it has commonly been
assigned to a root f^ . This has sometimes been explained as
equivalent to Arabic ^S "to murmur, buzz," and sometimes
even as equivalent to Arabic ^S > assumed to be another form of
^|3 "to be low." l^n "to be strong" gives a very appropriate
meaning for a city, especially when it is remembered that the
word nS'n is in form the precise Hebrew equivalent of the
Assyrian word dannatu, from root danftnu, meaning "a for-
tress, a fortified city."
For the occurrence of the root ]31 in Aramaic, reference may
be made to what is said by Professor 0. Levias in AJSL., Vol.
XV, p. 191. It is there noted that the word "OT , or T3T7 , was
explained by Basi from tradition as meaning " be strong." Levias
identifies the root with the Assyrian danftnu.
It is now pertinent to inquire whether the meaning "to be
strong, powerful" is appropriate in Gten. 6:3. I adopt in general,
for the remainder of the verse, the interpretation of Dillmann in
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The Interpretation of Gen. 6:3 49
his commentary, so that I shall not attempt to consider in detail
the diflBiculties, but only to see whether this meaning suggested
for "jiT is suitable in the connection. Dillmann defines ^TyT\
here in language which may be rendered ** the spirit of life from
God given to men, 2:7, the principle of their physical and spir-
itual life." It is evident that Dillmann would render ^TW\
"spirit from me," regarding the suffix as equivalent to a genitive
of source, which is, syntactically, altogether possible. The defini-
tion also appears to give to ITH the meaning, which it has else-
where, of the immaterial part of man, which serves to animate the
physical body. The thought that the iyr\ which man has pro-
ceeds from God is plainly in harmony with general Old Testament
teaching, as it is seen explicitly in Ecc. 1:27, "and the spirit
return unto God who gave it," and implied in such passages as
Numb. 16:22, "O God, the God of the spirits of all flesh."
The phrase oblPb here does not necessarily mean "forever"
in the modem sense. OblP may have its more common meaning,
"indefinite duration, unlimited duration," in which case OblPb
T 2
would mean "for an indefinite, unlimited period."
In accordance with what has been said, I should translate
freely the first part of the verse as follows : "And Jehovah said,
The spirit from me shall not be powerful in mankind for an
unlimited period." In what sense would the words "be power-
ful" be used? Naturally in reference to the usual work of the
spirit of a man in animating his body. So that this part of the
verse might be paraphrased, "And Jehovah said. The immaterial
part of man coming from me as its source shall not for an unlim-
ited period manifest its power in animating the bodies of men ;"
in other words, men shall not live for an unlimited period.
The remainder of the verse may be passed over briefly. The
next clause gives the reason for this determination of Jehovah,
"in their going astray they are flesh." The concluding clause,
"and his days shall be a hundred and twenty years," is really an
expansion of the first clause of the verse. The statement there
made, man shall not live for an unlimited period, is here followed
by the statement of the limit, a hundred and twenty years. This
connection of thought would be the same whether the limit were
understood to be the time until the flood or the future limit of
individual life. I prefer to follow Dillmann in the latter view,
for the reasons which he gives.
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ittontrlttttcli Kotes-
THE ASSYKIAN WOKD MASAKU OK MAGAKKU.
It seems now to be generally accepted as a fact that the Assyrian
word for wheel of a wagon or chariot is masftru. Delitzsch, Hand-
ivOrterbuchy p. 647, and King, First Steps in Assyrian^ p. 394, both
derive the word from the verb sftru ("fllD)- There are two serious dif-
ficulties with this derivation. One is that sftru means *'to move for-
ward, advance," so that according to this derivation masftru is the
''means of advancing;'' as Delitzsch says, ''so benannt als Mittel und
Werkzeug der Bewegung des Wagens." A derivation giving a more
specific meaning than this would be expected. A second and more serious
difficulty is that the long a in masftru is never written as long in the
examples given by Delitzsch, which fact is certainly sufficient to make
the length of the vowel doubtful. These difficulties might perhaps
seem to indicate that the root is ^'^12 and the form masaru. But the
known roots of the form ^iiP2 do not give a meaning suitable to this
derivation.
Under these circumstances, I am led to present a different suggestion,
viz., to read, not ma-ia-ru, but ma-gar-ru. The sign sa = gar
(Delitzsch, Assyrische LesestUcke, 1885, p. 37, No. 823) is always found
for the second syllable in the examples given by Delitzsch, so that the
reading here suggested presents no difficulty. It is true that gar is
the unusual and Sa the usual value of sa = gar, but the value gar
is regularly found in such a word as pa- gar. This reading was, in fact,
given doubtfully by Bezold in Sen., col. v, 1. 83 {KB., Vol. II, p. 108), his
reading being ma-gar (s a ?)-ru-us, and his translation "Deichsel(T)."
If the reading is magarru, the word is plainly a Q formation from
garftru (*11ji) "to nm," the form being JJuw. The formation would
be perfectly regular from an y"5 root, being precisely like ma sail u
"herdsman's tent," Delitzsch, Grammar y § 63, end, and Handwdrterbuchy
p. 567. In favor of this derivation, it may be urged that the difficulties
previously mentioned in connection with masftru disappear, and, more
positively, that the meaning suggested by the derivation is a very
natural one, "that which runs," which makes it quite similar to the
Hebrew bsbS (and bsbs) "a wheel, that which rolls," the words bbs
and garftru probably being akin (see Ges.-Buhl", p. 162, under •I'la).
An even closer parallel in meaning would be Hebr. y*i "wheel," from
y5|n "to nm," if we are to follow Ges.-Buhl" in giving that meaning to
the word. Perhaps a stronger argument for the reading magarru is
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CONTBIBUTBD NoTES 51
the evidence from another word similar in form. In Hebbaioa, Vol. XI,
p. 190, 1 discussed the word >?^ mu-gir-ri, occurring in K™ 2, 6, rev.
14, deriving it from garftru. I would modify the view there expressed
so far as to give to the word the meaning ^Vheel" instead of ''chariot."
I would still consider it to be probably a formation Jjla^ with the
common change of a to 6 and then to i (see Delitzsch, Qrammar, § 34, 8).
It would then be merely another form of the word magarru, just as we
find the two words mtlntl and mftnti ''couch," Delitzsch, Qrammar,
§ 65, 316, and Handtu&rterbuch, p. 98. Geobob R. Bebbt.
COLOATB UnIYBKSITT,
Hamilton, N. T.
A NOTE ON ISAIAH 8:6.
What does the prophet mean by nbirSl "^B > ^^^ waters of Shiloah ?
Mitchell says: "It is here a symbol of the unseen and mysterious, but
real and efficient presence." Duhm: "This water is a symbol of the
reign and power of the Dweller of the mountain .... of Yahweh."
The same interpretation is given by Dillmann. But the following two
objections may be raised to it: First, "the waters of Shiloah that go
softly" is an unusual and even unnatural representation of Yahweh. We
surely do not find many more such images of Israel's God given us by
the Old Testament seers and singers. "And the Lebanon will fall by
a mighty one** is one of the mildest expressions of the prophet's idea of
the God in whose name he speaks. " Yahweh roars from Zion . . . ." —
this is a typical representation of him. But "the slow waters of Shiloah
that go softly" — where can we find its parallel 1
Secondly, would Isaiah bring Yahweh into contrast with Rezin and
Remaliah's son ? For, no matter what we make of ^1^!Q , whether it
mean to rejoice in, or to fear, the "waters of Shiloah" evidently stands
in contrast to Kezin and ben-B'malyahu.
Now, I think that 'J'^SI is the word that must throw some light on
this obscure passage. It seems to me the prophet has advisedly grouped
together ThlDTi TQ, ]^^*\y and irOn ^ of vs. 7. There is here a play
on the word ^"^S") , an allusion to its meaning, at least to the meaning of
the like-soimding Hebrew root yi*| "to run." Its meaning would then
be "the running, the swiftly flowing (stream)." In Gesenius' Dictionary,
8, v.. Low calls attention to the Syriac . ^9 "to be wet," in U^^' =
"rivulet." If used by the prophet in such a sense, the contrast between
"the waters of Siloam" and Bezin becomes clear. Rezin and Rema-
liah's son stand for a certain aggressive policy, namely, that of throwing
off the Assyrian yoke. Hence, the "Siloam waters" stands for the
opposite policy of quiet submission, of maintaining the status quo. The
prophet arraigns the people for despising the gently flowing waters
of Siloam and rejoicing in the "swift streani." flTTl CSPTi is here evi-
dently the mass of the Jewish people, represented chiefly by Israel, but
probably having confederates in Judah also. This faction is glad of
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52 Hebbaioa
this show of yigorous resistance to the great power of the north on the
part of the two allied kings. The mass of the people rejoice at the sight
of the headlong rush and impetuous course of Rezin and Remaliah's
son. (The latter, we must remember, was a rebel and usurper.) They
lock forward to eventful times, times full of excitement. But if that is
what they wish, God will bring upon them *^ the great and mighty stream
of the north" that will so completely overflow the land as to pass even
into Judah, and there to reach to the very neck, almost drowning them
aU. There will thus be enough excitement for them. This explanation
renders imnecessary the very unsatisfactory emendation of C1DM =
"fear" instead of "ISIIDB = "rejoice in." g. n. Deinabd.
Tebbb Hautb, Ind.
MUHAMMEDS LEHRE VON DEB OFFENBABUNG.
Ebwidbsumo an Hbbbn Profbssos Duncan B. Maodonald.
Wie ich aus der Besprechung meinee Werks, Muhammeda Lehre
von der Offenharung, qaellenmOaBig untersucht (Leipzig, J. C. Hin-
richs'sche Buchhandlimg, 1898), in The Amebican Joubnal of Semitio
Languages and Litebatubes, April 1899, ersehe, sagt dasselbe dem
Geschmack des Bezensenten, Herm Professor Duncan B. Macdonald,
nicht zu, was um so mehr mein Befremden erregt, als sich mein Buch
sowohl in der Gelehrtenwelt als auch in weiteren Ereisen des gebildeten
Publikums einer sehr gtbistigen Aufnahme und beif&Uigen Beurteilung
erfreut. Da der Herr Bezensent an manchen Stellen meine Intentionen
nicht versteht und ihm hierCiber eine Aufklflrung meinerseits erwtinscht
sein dtlrfte, so erlaube ich mir, indem ich auch auf andere Pimkte seiner
Besprechung eingehen will, Nachstehendes zu erwidem.
Der Herr Bezensent scheint meinem „ judgment" nur deshalb, weil
es mit dem seinigen nicht Hbereinstimmt, die Berechtigung abgesprochen
zu haben. Er sollte aber wissen, dass in der Wissenschaft jede Ansicht
gilt, ffbr die man einen plausibeln Grund beibringen kann, was ich
genflgend gethan zu haben glaube. Ich wenigstens schfltze imd achte
jede andere Ansicht und bin jederzeit bereit, sie zu acceptieren, sobald
ich mich von ihrer Bichtigkeit Hberzeugt habe, was ich von den
Anschauungen des Herm Professor Macdonald nicht immer behaupten
kann. Im tlbrigen bin ich gewohnt, meine Meinung ganz often und
unmissverstflndlich zmn Ausdruck zu bringen. Ich erfreue mich eines
noch jugendlichen Alters und gehOre also nicht, wie der Herr Bezensent
schreibt, zu einer „past", sondem einer gegenwftrtigen Generation in der
deutschen Gelehrsamkeit. Der Herr Bezensent irrt, wenn er glaubt,
dass das zuweilen von mir gebrauchte „wir" die erste Person der Eanzel
ist ; denn ich bin nicht, wie der Herr Bezensent angiebt, ein lutherischer
Pastor und Prediger. Ich habe mich nur, lun nicht mein liebes Ich in
den Vordergrund zu drflngen, aus Bescheidenheit in dem Ausdruck
„wir" mit meinen Gesinnungsgenossen und den Lesem meines Buchs
zusanunengefasst.
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CONTBIBUTED NOTBS 53
Ich habe mich bemtlht, die einschlftgige in- und auslAndische Littera-
tur mOglichst yoUst&ndig anzugeben, und hierbei auch die sekimdftre
berftcksichtigt. Ich glaube, wie dies auch der Herr Bezensent anerkennt,
hierin einen Vorzug meines Buchs erblicken zu kOnnen, zumal sich ander-
wArts entweder gar keine oder meistens nur sehr dtirftige Litteratur-
angaben finden. Warum soUten sich Voltaire, Turpin, Washington
Irving, Ocklej und andere tlber Muhammed und den Islam nicht auch
ein Urteil bilden kOnnen ? Ausserdem war interessierte sich nicht fftr
Voltaire ? Bei den Litteraturangaben versteht es sich ganz von selbst,
dass der Titel, die Anzahl der BAnde, sowie Ort und Jahr des Erschei-
nens mOglichst genau angeftlhrt werden mtlssen ; denn sonst sind Lit-
teraturangaben ftir die dem behandelten Gegenstand fern stehenden
Leser, welche sich einige der citierten Werke verschaffen und sich darin
weiter orientieren woUen, tlberhaupt wertlos. Dass ich diese Angaben
auch bei Frejtags Lexikon gemacht habe, dar&ber mOge sich der Herr
Rezensent nur beruhigen.
Der Herr Rezensent scheint von mir zu verlangen, dass ich in wissen-
schaftlicher Hinsicht unfehlbar sein soil. Ich weiss nicht, ob Herr Pro-
fessor Macdonald dies von sich selber behaupten kann. Wenn man
einen Fehler findet, so verbessert man ihn ruhig, ohne viel Aufhebens
davon zu machen. Eine andere "Dbersetzung als die von mir S. 36
gegebene „Erleichterung'' ffbr den grammatischen Ausdruck y^A kJs\J
ist im Deutschen nicht mOglich. Gemeint ist natfirlich die Erleichterung
der Aussprache durch Auslassimg eines Vokals, wodurch in diesem Falle
„ kudus" zu „kuds" wird. Jene Sentenz des Baidftwt habe ich deshalb
angeffdirt, weil sie mir zur Sache zu gehOren imd in den Zusammenhang
ganz gut zu passen schien. Bei dem Ausdruck „rtL]^u 'l-]|Ludusi" habe
P K P K
ich das s jrische H^?a^? U*oh in Fussnote gesetzt, lun darauf hinzuweisen,
dass Muhammed diesen Ausdruck aus der Sprache der christlichen Syrer
her&bergenommen hat. Ebenso handelt es sich auch bei den ftbrigen
im Verlauf meiner Untersuchung vorkommenden syrischen, ftthiopiscben
und hebrftischei^ Citaten um LehnwOrter oder sprachliche beziehungs-
weise sachliche Parallelen. Fleischer in seiner Textausgabe des Baidftwt
hfttte zuweilen von der Vokalisation reichlicher Gebrauch machen und
andere tlber die von ihm angenommene Lesart nicht in Ungewissheit
lassen sollen. Dass ft\j den gesunden Schlaf, ^f^y den leichten
Schlummer bezeichnen soil, bedarf erst noch des nftheren Beweises.
Wenn sich der Ausdruck „Muhammedaner'' als Bezeichnung der Mus-
lime, wie der Herr Rezensent mitteilt, bei spftteren arabischen Schrift-
stellem findet, so ist dies kein Beweis gegen meine Behauptung, dass
derselbe von den Occidentalen gebildet ist, da es immerhin mOglich ist,
dass jene arabischen Schriftsteller diese Bildung von den Occidentalen
entlehnt und ihr nur eine arabische Form gegeben haben. Aber wenn
der Herr Rezensent die betrefFenden arabischen Autoren nicht namhaft
macht, wild sich in dieser Frage keine sichere Entscheidung treflPen
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54 Hebbaioa
lassen. Dass meine Arbeit auf guter Sprach- und Sachkenntnis beruht,
was ich weiter unten anftQiren werde, ist mir von einem Fachgelehrten
bezeugt, der fftr mich jedenfalls kompetenter ist als Herr Professor
Macdonald.
Dass der Titel meines Buchs, wie der Herr Kezensent behauptet,
,,much too narrow^* sei, davon vermag mich derselbe nicht zu fiberzeu-
gen. In einer Darstellung der Offenbarungslehre Muhammeds braucht,
um zur Sache zu gehOren, nicht jeder Satz den Ausdruck „Offenbarung"
zu enthalten. AUerdings ist der Koran ftlr meine Untersuchung die
wichtigste Quelle, aber nicht die einzige, so dass gerade der von dem
Herm Kezensenten vorgeschlagene Titel ^Qur^anic theology" viel zu
eng wflre. Indem ich „ Muhammeds Lehre von der Offenbarung" zum
Gegenstand meiner Untersuchimg gewAhlt habe, habe ich von Muham-
meds Lehre gerade denjenigen Teil behandelt, welcher fftr das Verstand-
nis und die Beurteilung von Muhanmieds Person und des Islam von der
grOssten Wichtigkeit ist. Von der Darstellung ausgeschlossen blieben
auf dieser Weise Muhammeds ethische, kultische, soziale Verordnungen
u. dgl., von welchen niu*, wo es der Zusammenhang erforderte, einige in
aller Etb:ze bertUirt worden sind.
Der Umfang meiner „ reading" im Arabischen entzieht sich vollstftn-
dig der Eenntnis des Herrn Rezensenten, so dass ihm ein Urteil hier&ber
nicht zusteht.
Wenn der Herr Kezensent die Frage aufwirft, „what style has to do
with a doctrine of revelation", so erwidere ich, dass ich Muhammeds
Lehre auch hinsichtlich der Form darstellen woUte, in die er den Inhalt
seiner Lehre gefasst hat, und dass ich aus diesem Grunde auch auf den
Stil und die sprachlichen Eigenttimlichkeiten seiner Offenbarungsschrift,
des Koran, eingegangen bin.
S. 106-18 versuche ich, den von den meisten ErklArem behaupteten
Widerspruch in Muhammeds Lehre zwischen Prfidestination und Wil-
lensfreiheit zu Gunsten letzterer zu lOsen. Dem Herm Kezensenten
dflrfte es schwerlich gelingen, mich in diesem Punkte zu widerlegen.
Diese Frage ist zu schwierig, als dass sie sich mit ein paar aus dem
Zusammenhang gerissenen Satzen entscheiden Hesse.
Auf den jtldischen und christlichen Einfluss bei Muhanmied weise
ich im Verlauf meiner ganzen Darstellung hin.
Wiewohl ich mich bei alien vier Kapiteln, in die der Inhalt meines
Buchs zerfftllt, der Dreiteilung bediene, so erhebt der Herr Kezensent
doch bei dem dritten Kapitel, betitelt „Der Glaubensinhalt der Offen-
barung", welches ebenfalls in drei Paragraphen zerfflllt (§ 7 Die Gottes-
vorstellung, § 8 Verh<nis zum Heidentum imd zu christlichen Dogmen,
§ 9 Eschatologie), die wunderliche Frage: „Is this systematic division
into threes a trinitarian protest on the part of Dr. Pautz, as the Spanish
monks drank in three sips?" Wie kann man fLberhaupt nur auf eine
solche Idee kommen I F&r derartige Witze dtlrfte eine wissenschaftliche
Zeitschrift wohl nicht der geeignete Ort sein. Im fLbrigen darf man
wohl annehmen, dass Herr Macdonald als Professor der christlichen
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CONTBIBUTBD NOTES 55
Theologie ebenfalls an das chnstliche Dogma von der Trinitftt glaubt.
Meine Untersuchung ftber Muhammeds Gottesidee soil gar nicht, wie
dies der Herr Hezensent wtlnscht, philosophisch sein, sondem theolo-
gisch ; ich dAchte, dass meine Entwickelung auch hier an Elarheit nichts
zu wtLnschen tlbriglftsst. Wenn der Herr Kezensent die „ lists of terms
and their occurrences" sowie vorher die „ study of the different expres-
sions in the Qur'an used to indicate this revelation on its different sides"
excellent nennt, so ist dies ftbr mich sehr erfreulich.
Der von dem Herm Rezensenten fftr meine Ausftihrungen S. 220-37
gebrauchte Ausdruck „little preliminary matter" ist vOllig unzutreffend ;
dem hier behandelten Gegenstand habe ich durchaus die ihm nach seiner
Wichtigkeit zukommende Ausffihrlichkeit zu teil werden lassen. (Der
„ preliminary matter" ist von mir bereits in der Einleitung S. 1-12
erledigt.) Die Zusammenstellung der sachlichen Abweichungen der
koranischen von den biblischen ProphetengescJhichten S. 238-66 soil
nicht nur dem Zweck dienen, um bei Muhammed die UnmOglichkeit der
Benutzimg einer schriftlichen Quelle darzuthun, sondem auch, um die
originelle, zuweilen auf eine bestimmte Tendenz Muhammeds zmiickzu-
ftlhrende Fassung der koranischen Prophetengeschichten zu beleuchten.
Den hierzu von mir gebrauchten Baum halte ich keineswegs ftbr unver-
h<nismfissig gross.
Die Behauptung des Herm Kezensenten : „Dr. Pautz himself seems
to have had difficulty in bringing into it the points which he wished to
discuss" ist den Thatsachen nicht entsprechend ; denn wenn auch der
Gegenstand meiner Untersuchung ein mflhevoller und schwieriger war,
so hat mir doch die Einteilung und Gruppierung des Stoffes keinerlei
Schwierigkeiten bereitet.
Im Schluss, in welchem ich den Islam nach seinen Licht- und Schat-
tenseiten einer kurzen Eritik unterziehe, komme ich auch auf die Polyga-
mic zu sprechen. Der betreffende Satz, S. 286, Anm. 2, welchen der Herr
Hezensent nur unvollstflndig anffthrt, lautet f olgendermassen : „Dass
das muhammedanische Institut der Polygamic, wonach es gesetzlich
erlaubt ist, nach Massgabe der VermOgensverhaltnisse bis zu vier Frauen
und daneben noch eine unbeschrflnkte Zahl von Sklavinnen zu halten
(Stlre 4, 3), wiewohl hierin ftLr uns Christen gewiss etwas AnstOssiges
liegt, mit der Frage nach der Moral fiberhaupt nichts zu schaffen hat,
braucht wohl kaum bemerkt zu werden." Um jedes Missverstftndnis
auBzuschliessen, will ich meine Stellungnahme zu dieeer Frage genau
prflcisieren. Vom rein natftrlichen Standpunkt betrachtet, ist die Polyga-
mic nach dem Satze „naturalia non sunt turpia" an und ffir sich nicht
unmoralisch, ausgenommen wenn sie durch ein religiOses und staatliches
Gesetz verboten ist. Denn sonst mtlsste man auch die alttestamentlichen
Patriarchen Abraham und Jakob sowie den EOnig Salomo (welcher nach
I Reg. 11, 3 siebenhundert Frauen und dreihimdert Eebsweiber besass)
unmoralisch nennen. Da nun die Religion des Islam ihren Bekennem
die Polygamic gestattet, so vermag ich, wenn jemand von diesem legalen
Rechte Gebrauch macht (thatsAchlich geschieht dies nur in sehr seltenen
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56 Hebbaiga
Fallen), hierin eine unsittliche Handlungsweise nicht zu erblicken.
Dagegen wflre im Christentum, welches die Vielweiberei verbietet, diese
selbstverstflndlich unsittlich und sfindhaft. Doch darf man in diesem
Punkte nicht falsch generalisieren.
Im Anschluss hieran habe ich einen kulturhistorischen Vergleich
zwischen der muhammedanischen imd christlichen Frauenwelt ange*
stellt. Ich glaube, hier eine sehr gesunde und vemtlnftige Ansicht zu
vertreten ; auch ist mir aus den Kreisen der Leser meines Buchs ausser
von Herrn Professor Macdonald keine gegenteilige Ausserung zuge-
gangen. Nicht das sind die besten Frauen, die sich in der Offentlichkeit
breit machen, und die man auf alien Offentlichen Vergntigungen und
Lustbarkeiten sieht, sondem die man am wenigsten sieht, und von denen
man am wenigsten spricht. Das Offentliche Leben gehOrt dem Manne.
Das Haus und die Familie ist der Wirkungskreis der Frau, hier hat sie
zu wirken und zu schaffen. Der Sitte der Muhammedanerinnen, sich in
der Offentlichkeit zu verschleiem, gebtLhrt meiner Ansicht nach mit
Hecht der Vorzug gegenHber den die kOrperlichen Seize entblOssenden
und hAufig nur auf die Sinnlichkeit berechneten Kleidertrachten der
Christinnen ; man denke niu* an die Balltoiletten, wo man zuweilen den
Eindruck hat, als ob man sich auf einem Fleischmarkt bef Ande. Im
tlbrigen kOnnen sich die Christinnen, deren Sittlichkeit schon allein im
Hinblick auf die Prostitution und die vielen unehelichen Geburten in
einem traurigen Lichte erscheint, an dem moralischen Lebenswandel
ihrer muhammedanischen Schwestem ein Beispiel nehmen. Unsere
Gymnasien und UniversitAten sind nach ihrer historischen Entwickelung
BUdungsstAtten ftbr Jttnglinge und MAnner und nicht ftir „Backfische'^
Es giebt einen natfbrlichen Unterschied in der Begabung des Mannes
und der Frau, indem bei dem Manne der Verstand mehr entwickelt ist,
bei der Frau das Gemfit. . Diesen Unterschied gilt es auch in der Erzie-
hung und im Unterricht zu beobachten ; andemfalls erzielt man weibliche
Karrikaturen.
Das Verzeichnis der transkribierten arabischen WOrter S. 291-4 steht
zugleich an Stelle eines kurzen Sachregisters.
Da es den Lesem gewiss erwtlnscht sein wird, ausser den Ansichten
des Herrn Professor Macdonald noch andere Gutachten tlber mein Buch
zu hOren, so seien nachstehende mitgeteilt. KOlniacH Volkszeitung
{Lftterariache Beilage), KOln am Khein, den 17. August 1898; „Da»
Interesse des Dogmatikers und Exegeten, vor allem aber auch das Inter-
esse des Histbrikers verdient eine eindringende, quellenmAssige Studio
von Otto Pautz, Mvhammeds Lehre von der Offenbarung. Man hat
bislang in den Werken ftber Muhammeds Leben und Lehre das theolo-
gische Moment viel zu wenig hervorgeholen. Dem hilft Pautz nunmehr
ah.*'— Blatter fUr Utterarische UnterhaUungy Leipzig 1898, Nr. 40;.-
„Gegentlberden grOsseren Werken tlber Muhanmied kann diese ftber-
sichtliche und vOllig aUgemein verstAndlich gehaltene Darstellung,
welche mit dem behandelten Problem zugleich den wesentlichsten Kern
des Islam tlberhaupt untersucht, alien wissbegierigen Lesem nur
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CONTBIBUTED NOTBS 57
empfohlen werden." — Orientalistische Litteratur-Zeitung, Jahrgang I,
Nr. 12, Berlin 1898: „Vorliegende religionsgeschichtlich-theologische
Studie basiert auf guter Sprach- und Sachkenntnis. Es ist vor allem
anzuerkenneiiydass der Verfasser als tlberzeugimgstreuer protestantischer
Theologe doch ohne alle dogmatische Voreingenommenheit sich redlich
bemflht, sine ira et studio den Propheten von Mekka und die arabische
Weltreligion nach ihrem innersten Wesen und wahren Wert zu wtirdi-
gen. Bei diesem ausgesprochenen Sinn ftir objektive, gerechte, kritische
Beurteilung Mubammeds und seiner Lebre kann das stattlicbe, scbOn
ausgestattete Bucb aucb weiteren Kreisen, vor allem nattirlicb den
Tbeologen bestens empfohlen werden, zumal da alien arabischen Quel-
lencitaten die t^loersetzung beigegeben ist und besonders auch auf die
vielfache Abhfingigkeit Mubammeds von jtldischen und christliehen
Lebrsfitzen hingewiesen wird." — Osterreichische Monatsschrift filr den
Orient, Wien 1899, Nr. 2, Beilage : „Wer immer sich ein selbstftndiges
Urteil ftber den geschichtlichen Werdegang und fiber das Wesen dee
Islams bilden will, findet in dem Buche ein reiches und flbersichtliches
Material nebst einem genauen philologisch-kritischen Apparat zur Ver-
wertung." — Beilage zur allgemeinen Zeitung, Mfinchen 1899, Nr. 41:
^Immerhin schwankt Mubammeds Charakterbild noch in der Geschichte,
und so ist es ein ganz dankenswerter Versuch eines neueren Forschers,
durch sorgfaltige Untersuchung eines wesentlichen Teiles seiner Lehre
die Sichtung und den Zweck seines Offentliehen Auftretens tlberhaupt
zu bestimmen. Es ist dies das Werk von Dr. Otto Pautz, Muhammeds
Lehre von der Offenbarung, Die auf genauester Quellenforschung
beruhende Darstellung kann in ihren allgemeinen Ausfflhrungen flbri-
gens auch weiteren Kreisen dringend empfohlen werden." — Thsologische
Rundschau, Jahrgang II, Heft 3, Freiburg i. B. 1899 : „Eine griindliche
und lehrreiche Arbeit ist die Schrift von Pautz, Muhammeds Lehre von
der Offenbarung. Den Tbeologen wird an diesem Buch besonders die
weite imd freie Art der Auffassimg der PersOnlichkeit Muhammeds
interessieren, die um so bemerkenswerter und wohlthuender ist, als der
Verfasser seine eigene durchaus positive Stellung zum Christentum mit
aUer Energie betont. Der Verfasser sieht einerseits genau die Schwflchen
und Flecken in Muhammeds Charakter und weiss dieselben mit feiner
Psychologie verstflndlich zu machen und zu beurteilen; aber auf der
andem Seite ist er — meines Erachtens mit Recht — tlberzeugt, dass in
Muhammed ein Stftck prophetischen gOttlichen Geistes wirksam war und
nicht vergebens wirksam gewesen ist. Fftr den Tbeologen und Beligions-
historiker ist femer das Buch Pautz's auch deshalb bemerkenswert, well
es reiches Material zur Beurteilung der Frage vom Verh<nis Muham-
meds und seiner Predigt zum Christentum und Judentum bringt. Noch
klarer als bisher wird es namentlich nach den Zusammenstellungen
Pautz's, dass das Christentum und Judentum, das Muhammed kannte,
durchaus heterodoxe, synkretistische Bildungen waren, imd dass eine
umfassende Eenntnis jener Seligionsbildungen im Osten und Stldosten
Palftstinas notwendig ist zur richtigen Erkenntnis der Genesis des
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58 Hebbaioa
Muhammedanismus. Wir wollen dem Verfasser dankbar sein, dass er
uns von seiner Seite das Material so schOn zubereitet hat. Andere
mOgen weiter arbeiten." — Literariaches Centralblatt fUr Deutschland,
Leipzig 1899, Nr. 21 : „Die gesamte Litteratur alterer und neuerer Zeit
ist dem Verfasser wohlbekannt, auch die arabischen Quellenwerke werden
gebtihrend ber&cksichtigt. AusfUhrliche Indices erleichtem die Benut-
zung des Werkes. Der Verfasser steht voll und ganz auf dem Boden des
kirchlichen Offenbarungsbegriffes. Um so mehr ist anzuerkennen, dass
er der einer gesetzlichen Stufe entsprechenden Sittlichkeit der islami-
schen Gesellschaft voile Gerechtigkeit widerfahren Iftsst und nicht wie
gewisse kurzsichtige Apologeten der Sache des herrschenden Eirchen-
tums damit zu dienen glaubt, dass er den Islam als in sittlicher AuflOsung
begriffen schildert." — Deutsche Litteraturzeitung, Berlin 1899, Nr. 21:
„Der Verfasser hat den umfangreichen StofF tlbersichtlich angeordnet,
und da er ftbr jede Materie fast sAmtliche in Betracht kommenden Stellen
excerpiert hat, so bildet sein Buch auch ftlr den Fachmann ein ausser-
ordentlich ntltzliches und bei dem Mangel derartiger HilfsbUcher dop-
pelt erwtlnschtes Repertorium." — The Expository Times, Edinburgh
1899, Nr. 9: „ThiB important and learned work .... combines in a
remarkable degree the enthusiasm of the expert with the caution of the
sound and sagacious critic." — La Cultura, Roma 1899, Nr. 11 : „I1 libro
del Pautz ^ specialmente utile .... I'edizione per carta e nitidezza di
tipi ^ bellissima."
Schliesslich mOchte ich die Leser, welche sich ftlr den von mir behan-
delten Gegenstand interessieren, hOflichst bitten, sich durch die Lektflre
meines Buchs fiber dessen Wert selber ein Urteil zu bilden und hiemach
zu entscheiden, ob das Urteil des Herm Professor Macdonald tlber mein
Buch berechtigt ist oder nicht. ]>k. Otto Pautz.
Batzkbuhb (Pommbsn), Dsutsohland.
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ISoofe Notices.
KKENGEL'S DAS HAUSGERAT IN DER MISNAH.^
The work comprises six chapters: (1) Tables (pp. 1-9) — practically
only dining-tables, including stands, servers, etc.; (2) Seats ("SitzmObel,"
pp. 10-17); (3) Beds (pp. 18-31), including sedans; (4) Receptacles
("Behftlter," pp. 32-54), including cupboards, chests, baskets, jars, etc.;
(5) Mirrors (p. 55) ; (6) Lighting Apparatus (pp. 56-65) ; pp. 66-68 con-
tain a list of the Hebrew and Aramaic words. The author has based his
description of the different articles upon the notices referring to them in
the Misnah and other rabbinical literature, including, among others, the
two Talmuds and the Midrash RabbOt and Pesi^ta as commentaries on
the Misnah. As the two Talmuds, however, cannot be regarded as com-
mentaries on the Misnah in the same sense as the commentaries of Hai,
Maimonides, etc., and the Midrash RabbCt and Pesikta not in any sense,
the title is quite inexact. The author was evidently not aware. that
Professor Georg Hoffmann in his article, "Lexikalisches," III (ZATW,,
II, 1882, pp. 53 sqq,) had treated of the bedstead and bridal chair.
Hoffmann established clearly in this article, with numerous examples,
the different meanings of "pb^S as Erengel gives them (p. 20, note 5),
with the difference, however, that BLCCGrdiag to him 'pb^S is not "every
brick-shaped board" as well as "other similarly formed objects," but
"the periphery of a rectangular figure" (see Hoffmann, loc, city pp.
64 sqq.). While the sifting and arranging of such scattered and difficult
material shows great diligence and will be valuable for all future investi-
gations in the same line, it is to be regretted that the author, for the
sake of clearness, did not oftener let the sources speak for themselves.
The most serious objection to be raised against the book, however, is that
the author not infrequently makes statements which have no basis what*
ever in the sources, so that his results cannot be accepted without exam-
ination. In order to prove this serious charge, it is necessary to extend
this review beyond the limits which this dissertation really deserves.
The sources say nothing, e. g., about the structure of the ''psbT overlaid
with marble, or of the ^^''tS^^lJS ; that the legs of the former represented
figures of animals is not mentioned. Similarly the sources offer no basis
for the distinction Krengel makes in regard to the shape of chairs,
according as they were made of wood, clay, etc. (p. 11). The most serious
instance of misinterpretation of the sources is the author's explanation
of pba of the nO'^'l? on the basis of T. Kel. B. M., viii, 4, and T. OhoL,
1 Das HausgbbIt in deb MiSnah. Von Dr. Johann Krengel. I. Toil. Frankfartf a. M. :
J. Kavffrnann, 1899. ii + 68 pp. ; 8to. M. 2.50.
59
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60 Hebbaioa
xiii, 5 (p. 27). I refer again to Hoffmann's article, which offers for the
passages in question a translation and explanation correct save for a few
minor details (i6id., pp. 59 «g.). I need only mention here that every-
thing in the passages in question goes to support Hoffmann's explana-
tion (pp. 66 8qq,) of fltSli blD pb^ or nCIJ blD (Krengel's inference,
that in the second passage only the {IC^^^J? is spoken of, is incorrect)
as the two short and two long pieces of the bed-frame joined to form
a rectangle. It must be noticed, also, that the sources from which
Krengel has drawn in regard to the massive tables, etc., of gold are,
without exception, humorous religious anecdotes, characterized through-
out by the most extreme exaggeration. (In regard to the golden table in
the temple, p. 2, note 5, cf. Exod. 25:23 ^g., etc.) I shall only mention
further that the author understood V'^^Q Jn^H (Hos. 7:5) to mean
I "T • !
leather-bag [filled] with wine (p. 47, note 5). M. Buttenwieseb.
HsBSEW Union Collbgb,
Cincinnati, O.
WEIGHT'S ARABIC GRAMMAR.'
It must be confessed that this book is a great disappointment. I do
not mean that it is not a good and useful book — a simple reprint of the
second edition would have been that, and much more this enlarged and
corrected third edition— but the pity is that it is not a great deal better
and more useful. We had waited long for "the new edition of Wright,"
as we called it fondly, but the new edition which we looked for was some-
thing different from this. It was well known that Wright was preparing
for a revision on an extensive plan and had collected much material from
Sibawayhi and other sources. If he had lived, there can be little doubt
that we would have had almost a new work, just as the first edition was
completely transformed in passing into the second. In that revision the
first volume gained almost one hundred pages and the second more than
one hundred and fifty. In this edition each volume has lost more than
thirty pages, against which, however, must be reckoned greater com-
pression in printing and space gained by suppressing the sections on
comparative Semitic.
But even in its second edition the book was not abreast of what
might have been expected of a scholar like Wright and demanded in a
grammar that was to be the constant companion of all the Arabists of
Europe. I cannot express those requirements better than by quoting
some passages from August Mfiiller's review of the second edition in the
ZDMO,y Vol. XXX, pp. 200-216: "Die langst anerkannte Vorzflige von
Caspari's Arbeit noch einmal hervorzuheben darf ich unterlassen ; einer
1 A Obammab of thb Ababio Lakouaob. Translated from the German of Caspari,
and edited, with nomerons additions and corrections, by W. Wright, LL.D., late Professor
of Arabic in the University of Cambridge. Third edition, revised by W. Robertson Smith,
late Professor of Arabic in the University of Cambridge, and M. J. de Qoeje, Professor of
Arabic in the University of Leyden. Cambridge : At the Univenity Pre$$n 1886 (and VoL II,
1806). xiv+317andxx-f450pp.
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Book Notiobs 61
der grOssten Fehler derselben scheint mir die Systemlosigkeit der Ele-
mentar- und Fonnenlehre, und, was damit zuBammenhfingt, der gftnz-
liche Mangel einer Lautlehre, zu sein. Ich bezweifle keinen Augenblick,
dass Wright, hfttte er nioht gewissermassen an die ursprtingliche Anord-
nung des Stoffee sich gebunden geftOilt, zum Vortheile des Lesers die
Sache ganz anders angegriffen hfltte. Jetzt erscheinen als rein Ausser-
lich durch die Grenzen der einzelnen grammatischen Abschnitte zusam-
mengehalten Hauf en von Einzelheiten, welche auch nur durch f ortgesetzte
Verweisungen mit einander zu verkntlpfen fast unmOglich, ausserdem
aber unzureichend ist." After a number of examples of this, August MtQ-
ler continues : *'Ein anderer Mangel von Caspari's Arbeit ist der, dass in
Folge der oft zu ftusserlichen Anordnung des StofFes manche Puncte, die
in seinem Schema keine selbetflndige Stelle erhielten, entweder in bei-
Iftufige, oft zu sparsame Erw&hnungen zersplittert wurden und dabei
gelegentlich an Orte gerieten, wo man sie nicht sucht, oder ganz und
gar wegblieben. Grade hier leidet das neue Werk gelegentlich durch
den engen Anschluss an seinen VorgAnger, von welchem es sich sonst so
gltlcklich entfemt." Examples again follow, and then he goes on : '^In
der That wfire sie [his above-expressed wishes] mit einer gftnzlichen
Umarbeitung des Buches in Bezug auf Anordnung und vielfach auch
Darstellung des Materials gleichbedeutend ; trotzdem kann ich nicht
umhin ihm ftLr diesen erwfinschten Fall zwei weitere Bitten vorzutragen,
weil sie mir beide als Consequenzen des von ihm selbst gewoUten
erscheinen." The first of these requests is that there should be prefixed
to the grammar a short introduction dealing with the position of Arabic
among the other Semitic languages, its history and its dialects, and how
it has borne itself toward foreign influences and been affected by them.
The second request is that more attention should be paid to the later,
post-classical, forms and usages.
Such are the requirements which August Mfiiller expressed more than
twenty years ago; they are the requirements which were before the
present editors. No one can doubt their justice. How have they been
met? The arrangement of the book remains absolutely the same as
Wright left it. A phonology is still conspicuous by its absence. Wright's
method of handling phonetic questions is practically untouched, though
some of the particular passages criticised by Mllller have been slightly
changed. In general, this, the weakest side of the grammar, is unaltered.
An attempt has been made to obviate the lack of system by the intro-
duction of numerous cross-references and the extension of the indexes.
The sections on comparative Semitic are almost all cut away, and in their
place are references to Wright's Comparative Qrammar, which is cer-
tainly his weakest book ; this is one way of meeting Mfiiller's petition for
a more scientific treatment of this subject and for a general introduction
to it. To Mtdler's second request no further attention, so far as I have
noticed, has been paid.
At this point the question may pertinently come up of the exact place
which this grammar is intended to fill. We can have a grammar that is
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62 Hebbaioa
purely introductory — meant for the beginner — to be abandoned after a
certain stage has been passed. In this class come Socin's golden little
book and Harder's Konveraationa-Orammatik. Then come the gram-
mars which are not introductory, but are permanent books of reference.
Here there are several sub-classes. We have books of moderate compass,
not professing absolute completeness, which have grown up often out of
books of our first class. Such, for example, is Oaspari-MfUler. At the
opposite extreme to these are books which aim at the explanatory repro-
duction of the views of the native grammarians. Such are Jahn's anno-
tated translation of Sibawayhi and Howell's gigantic application to
grammar of Lane's lexicographical method. Last there comes the class
of tfiesauriy attempts at covering the whole ground with more or less
completeness. An early and important place is taken here by the unfin-
ished work of Lumsden ; later come the granmiars of Ewald and Eose-
garten ; but the crowning place is easily taken by the Qrammaire arabe
of de Sacy, with the running commentary of Fleischer. That Wright's
grammar stands in this sub-class of thesauri can hardly be denied. It
had been our hope that the new edition would make it the leading book
in the class and render us independent of the others ; that in it the ful-
ness of de Sacy-Fleischer would be combined with an order foreign to
both, with a recognition of the forms and usages of mediaeval Arabic, on
which they would have looked down, but which we find to be essential,
and with a scientific treatment of the phonology of the language which
was impossible in their time. Such an undertaking would have been
worthy of the Press of the University of Cambridge and of the great
scholars whose names stand on this title-page ; but the hope has been
disappointed, and that is all that can be said about it. The blame it is
impossible to place. It may have been the publishers ; it may have been
the editors. This, at least, it is but fair to say : when the editorial charge
passed into the hands of Professor de Goeje, fifty-six pages had been
printed, and the revision had extended over thirty pages more. He, not
unnaturally, felt himself compelled to follow in the footsteps of his
predecessor. The fame of the great Leyden Arabist cannot suffer through
this book, but it would have been better for Arabic letters if he had
insisted on the work being begun anew from the beginning.
I come now to details, and, as might be expected, what I have to set
forth is not so much sins of commission as sins of omission and oversight.
Professor de Goeje is one of the first three or four Arabists in Europe,
and, if I may be excused the slang, what he says goes. In Vol. II,
p. 180C, the statement, "But if both are substantives, this is not usually
done," is too strong. Compare Noldeke, Zur Orammatik, § 48, and the
quotation there from al-Ehafaji. Similarly, the expression, Vol. II,
p. 59B, "The second is not uncommon," is somewhat unguarded in view
of Noldeke's "flusserst selten" in Zur Orammatik^ § 61a. One most
curious omission is the lack of all reference to NOldeke's discovery of
vxiw conversive in Arabic, Zur Orammatiky p. 68 ; at least I have been
unable to find any mention of it. In II, 176D, the translation should be
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Book Notices 63
"like lance-thrusts" or "like lance-thrusting." The footnote to II, 114,
is too brief, and should have an exact reference. In I, llA, it would have
been much better if, instead of simply expunging the sentence to which
NOldeke objected, his remarks had been incorporated from ZDMO,, Vol.
XXX, p. 207 ; the usage which could lead Wright astray surely deserved
some notice. In the Addenda to 1, 115, footnote, there should have been
a reference to NOldeke, Zur Orammatik, p. 18. In I, 286B, the notice of
ioAi is very inadequate ; nor do I find it further dealt with in the Syntax.
In II, 149C, the technical term ijoLaJC^^ should be rather trans-
lated "to show that one is specially characterized or distinguished by a
thing or by the possession of a thing." Further, the technical terms
(jofc A ■4>t ol JUam3 3 and ol JUam^ JI might have been added
with advantage. The term % Juo^o ^\ occurs in the index, but I can
find no definition of it, and its nature can only be vaguely gathered from
two or three references ; yet those words form a very interesting class.
Many of the references are perplexing and annoying. An omission that
is purely amusing is the dropping out of Wright's dedication to Fleischer,
while the paragraph in the preface speaking of that dedication is care-
fully reprinted. But are we to gather from the exact references by
volume and page to the Fd^iq of az-Zamakhshan that we may look for
an edition of it soon ? That would be a cause of rejoicing. It is to be
presumed that the references to a glossary to a^-^aban are to be inter-
preted in the same way. But it may be doubted whether in a grammar
it is right to refer the student for the explanation of a point, or even for
further details on a point, to some other book ; references from books of
reference are not satisfying, and there are many here which should have
been quotations. A point I would gladly have seen dealt with is the
nature in Arabic, and in Semitic generally, of the wa§f or na*t It is
true that no grammar, to my knowledge, except Lumsden's, touches
upon it, but it is none the less a vital point in the language, as Lumsden
has shown, and a source of great obscurity to the student till simple
experience makes the facts clear to him. In this grammar the only sug-
g^ion of the truth is descriptive epithet on p. 105A ; but as that follows
immediately upon the misleading term nomen adjectivuniy the gain is not
great. To return to the recognition, or rather non-recognition, of post-
classical usages, it would have been greatly to the advantage of the
grammar if more account had been taken of August Mtlller*s Ueher Text
und Sprachgebrauch von Ibn Abi U^eibi'a'a Oeschichte der Aerzte in
the Sitzungsberichte der philos.-philoL u. histor. Classe der k, bayer.
AJcad. der Wise,, 1884, Heft V. In some respects these notes apply also
to classical usage, as that on the introduction of the fuibar by /a, p. 922
of Mtdler; compare, too, the quotations in that passage and Lane,
p. 2328a. Similarly, I have found nothing to explain the fa in Qur'an,
LXXIV, 8 (Mftller in ZDMO., Vol. XXX, p. 204), and the ellipsis of con-
junctions is not adequately noticed in II, 288 (Mtlller, Ueber Text, p. 900,
and especially footnote on the possibility of the second perfect being a
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64 Hebbaioa
tidl). In general, the use of both tua and fa calls for much fuller treat-
ment ; in later Arabic such phrases as o I J^ (J^^ and ^ t J^ are
very frequent. Similarly, the use of the expressions ^1 |» t > and
•J |va3 by way of C/LJuumI, it is true, might have been explained.
Further, the frequent omission in later Arabic of min in the phrase
^^ Ju V is not recognized (MfQler, p. 903) ; II, 26D, on the omission
of ^an is hardly adequate (MfQler, p. 902) ; II, 802, could be expanded,
following Mtlller, p. 918 ; and II, 225, could be expanded and corrected
by Mtaier, p. 920.
But if we can overcome our disappointment and take this book on its
own terms as a simple reprint of the second edition, with some expansions
and corrections, we must receive it with gratitude as an excellent piece
of work. The external form is well-nigh perfect, as is also the proof-
reading ; the Arabic type is from the beautiful and clear font cut for
Lane's use in his dictionary ; there are sixty pages of excellent indexes,
though the third might be fuller; finally. Professor de Goeje has put ah
Arabists deep in his debt by his additions and corrections. But would
that those responsible had taken a larger view of their duty I
Duncan B. Maodonald
Nbw Haxbor, Mahcb.
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THE AMERICAN JOURNAL
OF
SEMITIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES
(CONTINUING "HEBRAICA")
VoLUMB XVI JANUARY, 1900 Ndmbbb 2
SOME CONTRACTS OF THE PERSIAN PERIOD PROM
THE KH» COLLECTION OP THE UNIVERSITY OP
PENNSYLVANIA.
Bt Gboboe a. Babton, Ph.D.,
Associate Professor of Biblical Literature and Semitic Languages,
Bnm MawT College, Bnm Mawr, Pa.
The texts which are here published were copied during the
summers of 1895 and 1896. They belong to the Kh' collection,
which was purchased in the East some years ago for the Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania. It was obtained from the same source as the
Kh collection, of which a notice was published in the Hebbaiga,
Vol. VI, pp. 59, 60, by Professor Robert P. Harper.
Of the thirty -four texts here presented, two are from the reign
of Cambyses,* twenty-seven from the reign of Darius, one from
the reign of Xerxes (t. e., No. 80 ; c/. rev., 11. 5 and 11), and four
from the reign of Artaxerxes. The texts are arranged below in
chronological order.
Most of these texts are simple records of the loan of money
or the transfer of food-stuflfs. No. 2 is a contract to deliver con-
siderable meat, dates, wheat, and an ibex at a private house in
Babylon; it appears to be the provision for a large festival.
No. 5 is a receipt for a sheep, purchased for a sacrifice. An
interesting series (Nos. 7, 8, 11, 18, 16, 19, 22, 25, 26, 28, and
29) refers to the transactions of a woman, Aquba, the daughter
1 The sign si (No. 2, L 17) is the only part of the name legible, but the palasography is
that of the contracts of the reign of Cambyses.
65
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66 Hbbbaioa
of a slave, who dealt in provisions in the town of Shibtu, and
who seems to have been in comfortable circumstances. She loans
money, contracts with farmers for produce, loans clean wheat, to
be paid in kind, and barters wheat for dates. These transactions
extend through eight years. No. 8 refers to the loan of two-ihirdfl
of a shekel of money. It states that the sum is to be paid in a
certain coin, but the tablet is illegible where the denomination of
the coin was given. The amount of the loan makes the half-
shekel coin impossible ; it follows that the coin must have been
the se, of which 180 made a shekel.' No. 10 records the gift of
sacrifices to the temple of Shamash by a guild of carpenters.
No. 16 is a contract on the part of a woman to deliver at a certain
date a coat of mail. No. 24 is the lease of a house with a cracked
wall, in which is embodied a stipulation for repairs.' No. 30,
though much broken, is of great interest. It records the dis-
solution of the partnership of a company of herdsmen in the
reign of Xerxes and the formation of another company. No.^1
is the merest memorandum of a loan, written in evident haste,
without witnesses. No. 82 stipulates that after a certain date the
rent of a house belonging to two brothers shall be devoted to a
certain temple ; that a certain man shall receive it from the agent
of the owners and carry it to the temple, and another person who
is designated shall receive it on behalf of the temple. No. 33 is
a much-broken deed of sale of some property, the boundaries of
which were carefully given. The tablet was only sun-dried and
has been badly broken. No. 18 was carelessly written and con-
tains several mistakes. For lack of spa<^e a list of the proper
names contained in these tablets is not now given. It is hoped
that it may be published in a future number of the Joubnal.
The Museum numbers of these tablets are as follows :
l = Kh'
467
10 =
Kh'
426
19 =
Kh'
464
28 =
Kh'
489
2= «
420
11 =
«
488
20 =
l(
481
29 =
u
479
3= «
421
12 =
«
482
21 =
«
475
30 =
«
668
4= «
427
18 =
a
625
22 =
a
469
31 =
u
649
5= "
425
14 =
it
6S1
23 =
a
666
82 =
u
60S
6= "
486
15 =
u
472
24 =
«
424
88 =
n
689
7= «
484
16 =
u
488
25 =
tt
478
84 =
C(
476
8= "
466
17 =
«
429
28 =
a
487
9= «
419
18 =
M
480
27 =
u
474
i Of, Beisner, attgungtibeHchte Ah. Witt, xu Berlin, 1896, pp. 417 tqq.
t Of. Strassmaier's Intchriften wm Nabonidott Nos. 9, 48, 184, etc.
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A GRAMMAR OF THE ARAMAIC IDIOM CONTAINED
IN THE BABYLONIAN TALMUD.*
Bt PbOFBSSOB 0. LiTIAS,
Hebrew Union College, Cfaudnnatt, O.
III. MOBPHOLOGT.*
§871. r9: sb^btD, «!)lbB«, sport.
gJjJLi.— §872. o) STQtta stolen goods; WnrOTD oath;
HTWaip tradition.
b) With secondary doubling: KTO^n ; MTGl V^ ; KTia^bS
difference of opinion; Mril^TTp ; and perhaps MFtb^lpOM .
§ 873. ry : Plur. »r\^«15 .
§874. ^'V: «rQTw7*
§875. ^'^b : «ri»^ ; plur. STlS^^na protests; STl^lD oap^
tives.
II. INTBBNAL VOWBL OHANGB WITH BHABPBNING OF BBOOND
STBM-CX)NSONANT.
1. Two Short Vowels.
Jii.— §876. «ra^ Sabbath, week;* "I'Wt threshing-floor.*
xiii .— § 877. a) HRTpa:: dry land; »F03D danger; SFB^Fl
institution, statute; tXTfBW ban (o^ = aX&) ;' MFl^'^Q chapter,
O. MS. Meg. 4a (voc.).* "
6) tXFT&'lk leHer; «n5art) consolation; STCp"*!© AeZp; «Fl«att
mistake, c! MS. Pes. 1126 (voc.).
§ 878. ''"lb : itfi'^ba complement.
iSee ilJ5L., Vol. XIU, pp. 21-78, 11^-88, 177-206; VoL XIY, pp. 17-37, 106-28, 196-206*
282-66; VoL XV, pp. 224-43.
^Ibid., VoL Xm, pp. SO, 118, 177; VoL XIV, pp. 17. 106, 196, 252; VoL XV. p. 224.
'KJgllpf lUce "^9 and Targomic l^*}*^)* pli^r* of KTl*^ = tH*^t are due to the H
being mistaken for the ftaiinine ending.
« On nQ2|( . K1||t^ig^ , cf. Sohwally, Idioticcn, p. U4.
» Cy. m^nSV ^^'^ ^ Harkavy, § 1.
Some of these forms may be originally qatUilat.
83
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84 Hbbbaioa
Jju.— §879. Ka^-W, tXa"))^, dumb; HTSm lame; SWJBO
/ooZ.— sb^^jpi .
quttai.—% 880. «))mr), «brnp, jje-.'
quaui{at).—% 88i; snis"!,' sn^m, twMtp; toin"?, Rrowa,
Kncn; «'TD*'S, l*Fl")B''2 or «ri"!b^S, HPiniErsI plnr. ''j&i,
•niETX, ri., B.B/74a; KblB'Tp ^e*" P«»^i pl"- "'^rlTIJ, "bsilij,
"•SiaTO , ""yM , Pes. 35a and VL., ad loc*
2. Shobt Vowbl m thb Fibbt Stllablk and Lonq Vowsl in thb Skoond.
qattdl, gittdl. — § 882. a) tOSlHl game-cock, fighting-cock; cf.
Assyr. ab&ka conquer; S^'IJ, VG^P, surety;* R'^Sl? fuller, not
ordained scholar;* tCTQV servant, valet.
b) «n3« farmer/ vqS'i hero; VH^ root; VtrfiTTt white.
c) tOSSlS cumin; MliSS . Both loan-words.
d) 0313 = snap, -ajf. No. xov (voc.); KB^ID Wrnd. Both
words are Aramaic transformations of Hebr. OdiSl and STplD.*
§888. ry : «bbS tonncr (=«5bS).'
§ 884. ""If : aY W-»"|! judge; V&^ servant; «ni5W ju»»per;
i!Cr«QArab, ,l>Ue-'
§885. ""lb: a) »rp_ student of scripture; I*3F), 7me\, stu-
dent or teacher of tradition. Formed as K'b forms.
6) "«3a = «;i3a; "tWT; "KB"! cheat.
qattdiat.—% 88Q. ""B> : o) 'sn*!"*^ /emote i)ro8etyfey «riy«0
Arab woman. Cf. § 884, n. 7.
6) "trvm white.
1 For vs^ = iM cf. *\jJ^ = ^^-^^^ = "^3*^9 > VS^T^ = U^T^ * '^^ many others,
t Of, Barth, i^B., pp. xxix, zxx, 24.
«it;jKn7 Tom n, 60.
« Cf. Gaster's note to SM,^ p. 48: '* ^Sp tjrro, yonng scholar not jet admitted to fnll
honors, who has still * to wash and cleanse * and do preparatory work."
SBacher (ZAW., XV, 801), who knew only of KISIOi explained it to be a form like
fi}^ (§ 887) ; ^^^ t^ becomes untenable in yiew of OH'ID* If the i*-yowel be dne to the
influence of the labial, why only in these two words 1 To presuppose a form qutAl is equally
impossible. It will, therefore, be beet to consider it as a conflation of Hebr. bpip and
Aram. Kbcppt the i necessarily becoming: ^ before a sharpened consonant.
« fi^p^ is not the same as rU|(^{ • The first is qattdl of y^t , the last qatlAi. V^^bX
and VVXZ are parallel stems. QT. §978, n. 1. Vty^'Q (Saadia, TraiH ds Aicc., p. 126, n. 10),
which the learned editors could not explain, is jJo picJbpocibef, **Beutelsohneider/* from
^ cut. The verb (<Md.), c«<, decfuci.
f The word is a conflation of the Arabic name and Aramaic tKTQ toander, with perhaps
a reminiscence of |/ mJy^ .
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Gbaumab of thb Babtlonian Talmud 85
qumi.—% 887. «a35« dark, black;' H^fis© red; cf. ■ « ?■ ^
red chaUe; VOSSHp, Stt"!!?, fennel flower (?);' «53!|n softening';
"gttW^to'-— § 888. a) «ria35«, ^PHSIS, darfc, black; -niJB!©;
qatttl. — § 889. These are all sharpened forms of qaiil and qatil.
a) VKT'Sn wise; HB'^'^n sharp; tXyVt^ superfluous; K^'^'HS ;
JCp^'H; iffl'^pFI powerful. — i^b'^SlT basket
§ 890! ry : VOTIS/n warm; «rW strong; »m^p_ old.
% 891. "^'ib : ''■na cer/mw; '•30^ great, much. "
ga«iia/.— § 892. WTitt'^bR; snTFl'^; RHS'^nB dissolute;
7, *' t:*- ▼:*" t:*t
MHTp^^a^ confused.
^ Qa«tlZ.— § 893. a) «ip^n a kind of apple ; «nbn sinus;
fcQ^in carob; VCPtSf column; Rl^B^ broach.
gatttlia/.— § 894. «nii^in witchcraft.
J^.— §895. R-ITOS; vd^m; «BWa blaspheming; «n^2
congregation.^
% 896. '•'TB : S'l^D': suffering; VHVr^ superfluity.
§897. y^y : RlWa steep embankment; Rb^btl wedding feast.
§ 898. -^'V : «bW3 ugliness; «p5W ea;ac/ness; RSTl^, «TO'^p,
tartness, VL., Pes. 116a.
§899. ^'ii>: «;:^B3 cover; «;:^"!; »;^3^ change.
XJ^.— §900. SHB^tOT drop; Sntt^tO'^O seal.
§901. -^'V: Rn-li'^a proselyte.
III. PBEFOBMATIVES.
S. — § 902. The K may represent merely a prothetic vowel, as
in KTiySlSM flnger, TS^M midst, or may be a formative element.
We are concerned here only with the latter.
1 Cf. tjrrj^^ be dark (ni^t) ; Aasyr. ekkimn <>ppre$9or. On theoonneotion between
oppression and darkness tf. IL^Xib and § 865, n. 4; also Delitesoh, Ai$yr. Htob,^ §. v. VyHt
b3Kt« t3VK. DKa^i pi. pV&.
« or. ir^nj^ TG., ed. Harkayy, § 852 (voc.).
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86 Hbbbaioa
aqtal(at): »rQGtk {i/^^^); ja^S four; VQT», SFQjnS,"
hare; MFfi'TlM ; MFDttpK . The last examples may have originally
been ogkWorms.— «nna« (i/T3i3).— Hrp-liS (|/"p«); »F0Oi«
(=»n«aTi) Fi., B. B. 86.— sn-niK (i/^Ti); »ri'?i« (i/w^).
§903. With long vowel : VCBm , «'1^8l , «TB^» , scourer
of dresses; Kn^QK flute {V^S:). '
aqtalat—% 904. «r\'^''« funeral repast; KTl'^^iS scrip^
ture; Kt\'^3p»; giving possession; tXTl^tSSi warning, VL,, B.B. 215.
itqdtal. — § 905. HttTlW superintendent^ steward.*
n.*— Aag<AZ.— §9()6.*»miVl gain; SJOTPI invitation,
haqtil—% 907. STtDSn"; "«TBCn funeral oration; VCT^lSn
lawlessness; HOTTin gain.
§ 908. ys : S^*^?!! sign of recognition; VSI^T} enclosure;
R^'^n inference from analogy; tSTrSl.
" V— iag/tlZ(a/).— §909. ^tVi^'^^ mandrake;^ V^^^
deer.
53.— mogtoZ.— §910. «5»b;a; «l$"jTa, R^'lTP, S^'^Tpitt,
«1^T?5M, »\rrrn, jugular vein, Ait. 5ull. *936;* ^bsiaa,
RbS'npp , basket'
"'§911. «'B: «bSn3 /ood; VCKTU word, teaching.— VQV02
vessel (i/'^3«).
§912. '^'TB: »";!j)ia crystoZ, by-form Ij;';;^ fcOTtia S6S«»on;
«nttra best part.
'§918. yB: »baa «icfcfe (i/b3i3 = na3).
I Eg. Arab. i>lar. ^^M and v^%lj| . V^y^ = ^^^ = * j^ = )»^ = /^
tctke fright and run qff^ be Hmidy $hp,
> Henoe denominated ^1)^ to vim, beUeve, i. e., take as anthentio, as if prorided wiU&
an ofBoial stamp ; "^KntDKl on belief, on credit. By-form of XntDK ia VCyCtf >
*FromTigr0 Saiama $et over, charge with, taiafama aeeume authority,
« All these forms are Hebrew loan-words.
B But according to Bran, Diet, eyr^^at., i. v., this is a oompoond of ^^ai^ + i^e) •
• This is connected with KJJ^Sn; (§ 979).
7 Hence Qnek ^m^x^W ; cf. Lewy, 8emit, Fremd/wOrt. im Orieeh., p. 21.
tfHgrt mOqar q^artM, j^s}yS crwetal^gUm, B\^\vJ»y |^iJ9, (^lott 6o<f is, P^iAte
p fc. ^ /
aflipJkora, ||.eQj wMissa argewti vel auri. y "Ipl = •ip'* = ^*lp = *lpD . Pn^teily dmg,
mined glass, in apposition to manufcictured glass. Beinisch, B<Uii Wb., e.v. ka^ana,
explains mOqar differently. 8M. No. olxix has SHp^t) •
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Gbammab op tHB Babylonian Talmud 87
§914. '^'V: »SV2fan; «";!«», »yil2, garden-bed, iAjJo.
The Assyr. masftrfl, masftrtl (Delitzsch, Assyr. TTft., s. v.
■11DB) is probably a loan-word. — RttfTQ needle.
% 915. ''"lb : R^'asa alum; «;'FliJ drink.
maqtalat.—%9iQ.' Varb^^^ «nby;ra, basket;
Snnana east, Pes. lllbV »n3SDa = Etii. kanbalO, that which
Arab. JiL^, African kelftl, a wooden peg to fix the hair, a
hair-pin.
% 917. "I'B : «FlpSa discharge; HFlSn^a gift.
% 918. ry : a) 'SFlTiM strigil; Hnbbtttt .
6) »nbtttt, sn^snad, 'boo/Ay «rinya' co«e.
§919' '"'V : iiahm' candlestick
§ 920. ""lb : Sn^-lTBa camp; VOrpXDTi drink; StT'Sna .
muqtal. — § 921. K^TI'IO , ^«ot* . pole to propel a boat.
maqtil.—% 922. a) MSlba ; S'lBptt scissors; VOTfa gutter.
b) mp^Ua comb; wfnh; SB^affltt sneak-thief.' ''
§ 923^ •'^IB : mnO^'a r^'Tpia fire-place.
k 924. "'V : SBTJO /an! '
maqtilat. — § 925. »Fi"1Bptt scissors.
§ 926. yy : Snb-^jia I ^fO®? treatise.
§927. ^'V: «r\r'TO; sra-^np college (ain = nn^).
wag/MZ(o/).— §'928. S-liina' peddZer; Htti^lDM sneak-thief;
sjpinipa 8ifenc6.— '©^irr^a pain; sn-j^TQ; sro^M.
woqtoZ.— §929. SbflM ; «n2ia /erry (v^nj); fca-iytt toe^/;
§930. '•'IB: »yni» declaration.
§981. p: »))?»; «n|5;a .
§ 932. 5'5 : »ip^a reaZ%.
§933. ^'1? : Mira /ood; ^Tirta CiYy.'
§ 934. '*'lb : S'*SB guarreteowe person.^
fnaqtaiat.—%9h. sftbnsa.
1 or. the interestinff remarks of Babbiaowics in FL., Meg. ISo, n. 1. Cf. also nSlTTDWY
I, No. 980.
« CSr. «p^fcntj'0 TO. ed. Harkavy, § 830; KbSJjrYO, ibid., % 74.
* The form is dae to the inflaence of ^bildp • To the same inflaence is dne ^^f^uO
(f MS). On the ** tjrrannjr ** of this form in modem Arabic ef. VoUers, £DMG.^ L, 027.
« Does this stand for K^Jf J with interchange of Ubials 1
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88 Hbbbaioa
§986. 1'B: plur. «n»n«Wa safes.
§ 937. '•'lb : «n»ntpa ^hip, loin; RPSJJtt part, some; Kflttia
oath.
miqtdl—% 938. 1X^^70 study; MJlStt custom.'
muqtdl.—% 939. VScki . A Hebrew loan-word.
maqttl.—%UO. D'^Vstt Mars; Sl^'^nitt crocus; tXpy? evil
spirit.
maqattaiat.—% 941. »n"ii5rra ; «ni2DSlipa ; sMpna ; SFCt'ina .
maqattil.—%94:2. KMrTO friend; «'11^«53 rover.'
maqattul.—% 9^8. SniaTtt, cf. Kohut, 8. v.; SniStt ferry-
man (=*«ni2i?a).
mogA^af.— §944. fckbniOtt, SbSKM, load.
maqdtil{at) .— § 945. ' S'niiTa"; ' SH'^aioa bar-maid.
maaaqtalat.—% 946. SnysiFitt , Wnb^SFia , eatables ( i/b5») .
3 . — § 947. i<S)Fp3 cover; SlDpB spoiled leavened substance.
2.— §948. «n^bibs (§77).' ''
m .— § 949. Srar? delivery; SmsblD bladder; ^VemyXD sub-
iectiony slavery; plur. ''*]''■}!?? rays.
n. — §950. taqtilat: JtnBOiFi addition.
tiqtil(at): »ra»r\ fig-tree.— »rrr\''P\ (=«nWFl) Fi.,Men.
35a. Cf ^•. ^'''
taqtul(at): »nn®Dri, SR-lBpn or RFilBpFl, hair-cutting;
Snsin^n bridge (§44). ' '
' taqtftl : fcOniFi dress; iTSFi merchant (§ 50) ; «2anri, Assyr.
tarbagu yard.
taq tll(at) : »Y^Dr\ dish; STMbfl pupil;* «)T12DBF1 ; «ITriBFI ;
STiipraiDFI use.
" taqUl: »Tl53bFl ; «^iflnn.
IV. APFOBMATIVBS.
^'^ . — § 951. When a nomen agentis is to be derived from an
Juol^ 1^1 it may be formed as any similar noun of the form
Sbic^ , e.g., MiBO skipper; tXTSH stove-maker; "S'jinf dealers
1 K}Kn?"C TQn ed. HarkaYy, § «7.
' V^n&3 ; c/. Hoffmann, LOB., 1882, p. 820. But see Geeenina* HandwOrterbueh, ed. 12.
*Clf. on thia word, Meiaaner, £A.^ IX, 272 tg* (y. alao the proper name Mp*^^niE\«
|. '^--^ l>ud<&ttiidii«.
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Gbammab of thb Babylonian Talmud 89
in iDOol. If the Juol^ f^\ is itself of that form, an adjective
ending is added, e, g., VTfiX^B table gives a form ns*lir© money-
changer = ''inb^TD . But, in most cases, to the given form is added
the ending "^i , which is nothing but the final syllable of '''b forms
of Mbit2p , leaving the original form of the word as much as pos-
sible^unaitered. Thus, VC^btl^ dealer in «bn« Kali; R'^ibtS , "^«,
dealer in K3TS, '"•», spun yam; IX^I'B'Vf, dealer in 'HB"'K lambs,
VL., B. B. 22oy «;ilJB3 dealer in SOB? naphtha; «;ina? dealer
in Stay iDOol, Alt B.'b. 22o; «'"inns dealer in "niS (Assyr.
^udtlru) fine garments; R'^FlTDp archer, one that handles a
SW^P bow. The same principle is applied to S^SB ferry, giving
»;i'iaa ferryman, A. Z. 656 (Rail, ibid. «;i^iH'), for *t!nxS9
would mean something else.'
^, a|. — §952. The ending ai occurs in a limited number
of nouns whose gender can rarely be determined from present
data : S^*^^ , Assyr. amurrtl, west; HCSyQ crane, Assyr. kurktl ;
S^MT3 doMTTj, Assyr. nudunntl; S^bsW rope, Asqjt. tubaltl;
fc^'TpW inference; R^b^H interest; ik^EPSS or S'^B^S'^S) assembly;
S'Oi'TO pestle; ^''O'^O servant. A few other nouns occur with or
without this ending : S'^^pDK and KR^^pCfc^ sail-yard, )j^ ;*
«mB» and »;rt^» swelling; VCfa'n and S^'^ia'l bee; tXTO and
K-ra hair; WnStt and RTiCM sufficiency; SS^'^ID and fcTS^B''^
repairing. — "^^S , '^St'iy , chance, is Palestinean.*
di. — § 958. This ending serves to derive relative adjectives,
appellative nouns, and gentilic adjectives from substantives,
adjectives, and proper nouns. The masculine has mostly the
forms •*»", nS" (at times contracted to R^),* 'pVT, '^ST; the
feminine, H'^S" , RH'''^ , Kft''*^ . The masculine i^**" is rare.
•TTJT TTT TT
icy. "ntimij = AMjrr. ara^Bamna; 0*^^ = Tfia. marsi poUon; TH^btTS =
VP^bTK FL.. Pes. 40a; ']3je = Eth. manana (9886).
s In later literatare we find an afformatiTe ^^ attached to proper names, as "^DO^t^ i
"^Tdbp I ^Wi « which is of Persian origin. Qf. abont this termination NOldeke, Per:
atudient I, 4tg.; Posnanski, Bi!J„ XXXIV, 161 tg.; Steinschneider's Hebr. Bibliogr., IV,
20,158.
s For K^pOK we find also the form K^K^p . Kf'^p i B* Nisslm, nn&'an « 8a, Igg.
Setlrdt ed. Nenbaner, p. 14. This is the Hebr. liHD (Es. 27:6). The word goes back to
'_ftr-i be Blender, \JL&^ vi&rato, with Tarions transpositions.
♦ •^IJ, "^J}*^, TO., ed. HarkaTy, index.
BQr.§88.
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W Hebbaioa
From SIS outside, country, the adjective '•R'^a , HS'^S , W^^'^a ,
is formed. From VSTOTii garden, •1SS''3 gardener; from VOpH
Held, nsbpn countryman; from sbttS gctte,^ ilSbGS gate-
keeper; from Sft']*lp city, fcCITP townsman; from Sbj above, tUSHtlS
(= Mliftii) upp^; from *S'11T, SS)''3n, the forms nSfTTT sole,
TWXCT'S^ one pretending to he a scholar; from baa, SOil,
Sn-naa^B, the geDtiUc adjectives n»baa Babylonian, nWOin
Roman, nfcWna^S® Pumbedithean. In a few cases this endimr
is used interchangeably with dn; as iTSIO = WTO wofcer of stocks;
nshW = WnW modest man. But more frequently both endings
are 'combined.' ' Cf. % 962.'
'*7 , ^- , i. — § 954. This aflPormative occurs only before the
feminine ending.
a) qatl: «nT?1«, «n'»^», bottom, VL., Men. 11a; «rrT9
komet,
b) qitl: SH'^aa caper; RH-'Sa hair (§809); SH'^S'^a a kind
of boat ; KTi'^bS upper chamber (='il|iiiatft); M\^^T''^ female.*
c) qutl: tXTt^^yvOi fencing in; KH'^MT glass vessel; KH'Hirn
form (§55).
d) qnftl : sn-^^ayj ostrich; KTi^BBJ winnowing-fan; W\^VSX»..
e) q®ttll: SH'^'linT crimson; t!(T\'^'TO caravan of Saracenes.
f) quttul: «n'^nia'7 toosp.
g) qattal: Kft''*iaS) sulphur.
h) qiittftl: SlH'^'lVn white flour; VCC\''Tm cypress.
i) qittfll: Rft'^^iEl'^n scarabee; SFTBiB'^n scurf
j) maqtftl: KTi-OSa, Sn-^aiS^S.* '
k) maqtfll: «n'^niF©a reel = gClU sh^n; cf Jum VII.*
X) iaqtll: xn'^SjraJip idiocy.
1 Thii word Boems to be of Koshitic origin and identical with Kb]i , KbS'^K • Of. Nuba
■agil numtKtenJtromc*; Knlfan ognl, awol, aal,m<m<^; Kafa kellO door^gate; Chamir
bili, mir&, gate^ door; Amh. b&rr principal enircmce; Galla kellft prittcipal exit,
b al bat ft door, ^a<«. From the last form may oome fiO^ •
2 Notice here K^'vn;jt)tp. Kn'^^iStp. t^etoardew, 'Afar-Saho manftbOytft, Tigt4
manftbbet.
s Assyr. siniS tn. On the etymology cf. S. Arab. TytD = Hebr. np3 • On its synonym
Kn'^jTjJ cf. Parisot in JA., IXe s., XHe t.. 182 p. '
4^*^X1 y^D = Qnara J fib branch of tree, border of garment; Amh. Ifif idem.
»nnO = J^t as i^i = j^i . and as bPlbp (in the Hebrew D'»bnbn) = JJUU =
bQbQ frUgle. With I^ojUaIio , 8%«^Lo (LOw, ilram. Pi<r., 56), it has nothing to do.
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Gbahmab of thb Babtlonian Talmud 91
*») iaqtftl : SfiraiajW id.
n) qatlfll: WnTaiapJ perveraeness; tSr\'0,'^'y9 confusion.
0) qalqal: «ri^35i3 Venus (planet)/ Sn-naTS, »n''T&,
p) maqalqal: KH'^pSl^llp mixture of white and bldck,
5|, tl.— § 955. a) q\tl :' 5|Ffl'^« wifehood; VfX\T9\ youth; \X[\^^n
livelihood.
h) qitl: VSCt^TT'^ fright; RMnro death; «ian myriad;
VCrffy% limpidness.
c) qatal: VT2l^ condition of being a maidservant; iXTfOTtn
intermarriage.
d) qatil: o) RM^pn companionship; ttT old age.
b) »rob'^5» mourning; IXT^'W^bxo perfection.
e) q ft til: «n^r yow/A; »nnnO fe8fo*wony; RMraO 6Zmd-
ness; SWpUJ drink; X\^*^ arrogance.
f) q®tftl: »TO*l*ip dominion; sr^^CDTD neighborhood.
g) qatll: »r\tt^«n dignity; RMW arrogance; »MO'^»a
repulsiveness; V^XBTSl badness; RHC^IIlH love.
h) qattftl: SnrSfl coZfecfor'8 oJ^Jce.
i) qattll: SMTFiy riches (l/^>J is connected with it);
Sn^lDIBp old age.
j) 'aqtftl: SMTilOSl testifying,
k) haqtftl: KMsV'^n trust, faith.
1) maqtal: «mnp^ bath.
m) maqattal: STO'^bya; STOpSBp delicacy.
n) maqattil: Sro^'^jp, »TO*ljp5^, cleanliness.
o) mitqattftjl: StnttFl'^^a M"Q.'2a.
p) qatlll: «mr5^19/a<.
b .— § 956. «yn« mushroom, plur. Rs^VtiS , «««bT)« ; R^n©
shepherd* s assistance, properly carrier of the \S shepherd* s
pouch; «b«aD left, jtH, jJoti ;* «VB'V, 'V, drizzling rain;
Sbne tVony'sbwn]?, Sb^S'^l?, knee^joinV
"'i.— §957.'«ab^O todder.
" T T
VU^ = K%3D<M&»nd,ii(ddeii; (^.Hebr. f|&|. QT. also .^ = |»^ = jC^
SQT. Hebrew dictionarieB. Bilin kirfiim, Tlgid qilgem, Tfla. kilgim, Amh.
qil^im.
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92 Hbbbaica
■j. — an, 6n (fin), in {en), an(?).— §958. These aflformatives
are used :
1. To form from verbal stems infinitives ; as MSmiS to cry,
Fi., Ber. 20a; V1«'^5b to prove them, Yalq. Kings 199 =
Sanh. 101 &. From this develop the following classes :
a) Abstract nomis; as VCnXi number; WTffln^ retribution,
/ TTi* t:t:
punisihment,
6) Adjectives; as tOBb'H blear-eyed,
c) Nomina agentis with the sense of habitual action, occu-
pation, etc. ; as MSbTS robber. This class is the most common.
d) Concrete nouns ; as W*^pip liquid,
2. To change participles into appellatives, denoting habitual
action; as W^S^Ta leader.
3. To change concrete nouns into
a) adjectives and appellative nouns denoting the possessor of
that which is denoted by the noun, with a magnifying sense ; as
M3^ having large teeth; 83*l*tp'*3 fleshy;
b) adjectives possessing the quality of the noun ; as tO^biD
crimson;
c) another noun with a metaphorical expression; as Wt?B
body, properly containing bowels.
4. To change a proper noun into an adjective denoting rela-
tion to that noun ; as W^O'p Ccesarean.
5. To change an adjective into a noun; as Wmn some-
thing new.
6. To strengthen adverbs and demonstr. pronouns ; as iXSpj ,
An. — §959. o) qatl: MriM goring; W'nay transgressor;
yurryi = ir^p arrogant, passing into "'b ; VGp^^, VO^"^ , IMjS'H ,
exact, Flr.^Men. 295; tOrn fragrant; iXXT? large-eyed; bOnia
pestilence; IXm, »S^V station {^^)\ ^^gyS) ; ViSm,; WntTK
rebellion, with prothetic vowel, or Aph*el ? (033 potsherd, cf.
UL scale, ifflOn and StT^BCn (§963, note). "'
6) qatlat: VSlTflV^ fragrant.
c) qitl : TFIDH north; KJDT'a acquisition; W^jSt? boundary;
bOVs tree; VQ^Ti second.
"d) qntl: WabW insuU; WBSH pomegranate; ])Qi MTBIB
surplus; VOy^yvCriVSO, ttoig.^^
e) qatlat: Wn^aiO twig.
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Gbammab of the Babylonian Talmud 93
f) qatal: tOnTTt something new, Fi., B. B. 906; Wbm ;
VSOfT^^ bearded/^ *
g) qatalat: SttHI?'^ modest.
h) qatil: IXMhw virttwus; WSn ; Xl^'n empty; VGVf time
(=ua'id&n&)/'*
t) qital: W^ body.
j) qfttil: W*tM master, lord.
k) q®t&l: p'lS a kind of sword, properly something made
of metaV
I) qnil: ']n'n« fd.' By-form 'jTn» (§36) = Kafa arijo
swordy dirk.
m) qattil: Wbap possessor of tradition; VQIUIT^ merciful.
n) 'aqtal: 'j'*'**]iS teaching, knowledge.
o) tuqtul: Waa^lW interpreter.
p) maqattil: MSbO teacher; VQTQUU leader.
q) maqtal: Wbja entrance; Wl^B? ^i*
r) maqtil: I'^^liO teacher.
s) maqtal: M3*^i3tt quarrelsome man.
t) mataqtil: tOMI^nO interpreter.*
u) qautal: SSybifi crimson.
v) qalqal: MBp^]? big-head.
w) qalqil: wStSt intemperate.
x) qulqul: pp*)5|p, Assyr. quqqub&nu, crau?/ iGS)Tp53^u5,
MBID^ID, ant.
""<3^, llw.— S960. a) qat(i)l: »SWM> parched com (/icaS
= 1233''); Wi'*5s thumb; wl'^^3, Assyr. barftnu, outlaw, rebel
(•8rQ = V^«na); WiW ^current;'' «5^n» defective sight'
1 Interrooalic 7 is weakened to K in KJ'l'^felt^ ^^w.
>Bth. 'arar Uad^tin; Tigrd 'arer Uad^iin^ 'ar&r gUeU 'arer 6iiU«< (lead or iron)
y^ point of lancet edge of noord, ^ vmAoX belly ^*^M pefl^t ori^ally Mtylu»y TB., I* 81
* All words of this form in the emphatic state are traditionally pronounced with K1t9
before 3; as K;i|h3Q. Kjb*)??^, KJlppip* KJ^^QS- This is eyidently due to the retro-
gression of the accent.
« The u-Towel is doe to the following consonants as well as to the inflnitiTe form snb o.
Cy. Pal. Aram. J^JtyiJIlDTp .
* K)^*^79 iQQ' SeHrdt ed. Neobaner, p. 25, n. 10 = Pal. Syr. ^-^^ .
7Bilin *arAb blind.
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94 Hbbbaioa
6) qit(ta)l: VOTT^ disgrace; Wi^lW blindness; y^'XPSl
colored garments.
c) qutl: '*5'^"!'5 goad-hearers; but more correctly 'WQ'^'!|*
d) qattftl: Wilbn snaiV
in.— §961. a) qatl: Wnrn*, «nynn«, contracted to
HR'nns; , *W'*'^rtSt ," another; KfO'HTl swindler; tO^Ttj rose-hush;
«ppn3? h(yrse-hean; VS^^l tooth-ache.— VO^
swollen; plor. *TSi21 young pumpkins^ C. MS., M^. 12ab (voc.) ;
S3'W» = tO'jn» kindling-wood; W*^!?, vj'5t^» J^y^* Asayr.
kar&nu, twne.' — STS"© (= par^lndft = parglntft).^
h) qutl: Wp*l^ acquisition; Wl^tt happy; VQT&tp hole;
V!S^3!yc6 y .11 , ^Jc , Alg. Arab. JiLm j Asayr. aurmdnu, cypress.
o) maqattil: KH^a^a educator.
d) qalqal: feO'DVilS &ru2^)rroom'« >Hen<i, fe«nra«ilD brtdes-
maid, Absjt. sasablnn ; cf. yjMJi god-father, ilx^ god-mother
(•aaTD = y^, §858).
"I.— §962. «"eoy mome.*
Double Affobmatitss.
§ 963. With the exception of the few examples given below,
double afformatives occur only with the feminine ending.
1 This word denotei five different speoiee. Qf. Bpstein, B9tk TcUmiOd, V, 290 $q.
3 Thii mutt not be oonfoonded with Hebr. n^^lW > which is of a different formation.
For lOyi after t confer Kp'^V •
' V*rO ^ }0rO * whence also ki r« , q i r 6 , grave$. For a similar phenomenon, where
tt is retained in the cognate langnaces, while haying become *\ in Assyrian, c/. T^ISD =
da^nsn.
^ V U^y^ kernel, fruii-eUmet is that which it cut out. Of the same origin is probably
the ^ in Hebr. 'IB^Q and piTiOfi*!- The last word Gtesenios* Thetaurut connects, prob-
ably correctly, with v^^^ . For the variety of sibilants c/. Yemen Arab. {j£UO\ « Bth.
r ames ; for interchange of )3 and & cf, \^ . = \^ . , lytJ^'UO = ijMi*j0 . Bat these
words may be loan-words from Knshitic, where the feminine ending ad ipstead of of is
common.
' |/ s^jSsJ^ he thiek-eet. The monse is frequently called by a name denoting this quality
and is, therefore, frequently synonymous with muecle. Cf. \ ^ ^^\ •^*^' *^^^ y^^^i
mouee; luL^^ mtocte, J yi^ fleld^numeet %V.i muecle, mou$e ; hence medieral Hebr.
*1^JP muecle. The same connection between muscle and mouse is found in some Indo-
Buropean languages. Cf. Kluge, s. v. M aus .
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Gbammab op thb Babylonian Talmud 95
o) ftnl: K^abB; «Pi'?baa large-sized; «M«aW honey^ike/
MTt'^SBCn scurf, scaly appearance of the skin.'
" &)*lnl: «r\'^3'»in^ indication; sn-'D'^brp = Rln'^absa anemone;
plur. «P«;5b5 YG.,'ed. Harkavy, §352 (voc.).
o) ftntl: KTiVr^lXp modesty, meekness; IXTfOiy^"^ greatness.
d) Intl: «n5D7'ia/rMtY.8fon6.
e) ftnfti: plur. '^NflS^I'H goad-bearers.
f) Infti: iTWTIT skilled in calendation.
^ I ** T r • :-
A) A few words are pronounced with R*W before 3 , e, g.j.
flWrira one from MahOzft. Whether originally so ?
V. DIPHTHONOIZBD FOBMS.
1. DiFHTHONO IN THB FiBST SYLLABLE AND ShOBT VoWIL IN THB SbOONO.
§ 964. a) qautal : »a"]ia threshing-sledge; sbrPlFl = sIL^S ;
»F0Ti3 mule; WWbiFl, aIs, v)orm.
6) qaital: »'n«^^= JLJS-
2. Diphthong in the Fibst Syllable and Long Vowel in the Second*.
§965. a) qautftl: S'lfilD ; «BF|5l« (§23c).
6) qautll: M^TO ; K^-^nitt."'
c) qaitll: [b'^b'^^S Zeb. 1186; proper noun ?]'
d) qaittll: Sn^X capping; Rn^"^© = SnBi© .
3. Diphthong in the Second Syllable.
qutail, — §966. sb^^ gazelle; tICTb'V youth, young man/
plur. '^'^bV, and with disregard of grammatical form, "^tibv^
Zeb. 116 & and Bast ad loc.
Note. — There are some words which are spelled like those
above, but probably do not belong here; e, g., Sr'^^fc^ = STI^il
* OOn = Dipn = <ui..A-rfc 9cratcJt, peel, etc. Hence s^JltjA, = ^^^1*^59*111 »
Kri*^JBOri ecalet KBOn potsherd, properly chipping, <.,AA.&Jfc wornrcui garment, whoee-
nap \b scratched off. Aesyr. ^aobn ia loan-word. Similar development : SL&VJ, Ub,.
•eale, X)]^^ potsherd; HSy^* ^*}?* '^'^* potsherd, &^>^ fine lin^n, whose nap i»
gone. Cf, also Hebr. diet. t. v. flVD'OD* ^
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96 Hebbaioa
rice; «)Ta^1 = miST\ speer; iXOTI^Q. (§ 866) . The second vowel
in the first two is probably a helping vowel to ease the collocation
of difficult sounds. Cf. a similar helping vowel in Htt'H^SS,
SH'^TDy (§ 833, n. 1). Similar formations in Hebrew and Pales-
tinean Aramaic, belonging to various forms, are : PTTTQ , STlTaTO ;
W^rrn, SrrSiT, VOn^. Pal. Syr. ^^q:^, s^L-Mi^o^, %-^>a^, etc.
VI. BEDUPLIOATED P0BM8.
qalqal and similar forma. — § 967. S'VliS net, Assyr.
bubaru;* UtRDBOS Zucem, shortened to SHEOS (Fi., Sanh..
746, 93a, Yalqflt Dan. 1060) = s ^ >, SLilL^ ; 'STlUJ'^a^a,
«n^«^a, clod, shortened to VOTTSni^ Fi., Succa 26a; cf. Eth.
g'a^g'eg and Maltese grix; SIB'H door, gate, Amharic dag,
Eth. d6d6; fcOT"!!, W, «rQT'n,"j^y; VOFtp"^^ tow; plur. T^Tnti
young children, y^S^^ ; »tt»tt , St^'^ttStt , broom; fc05i3 star;
VTi^^talent; VCb'b night, 8m\ l^o. XXY {yoc^
«D«D, «T«T, avm = ^^ (§794a); VCVC horse, Eg. Arab.
,<Lul pmy; sbS^S, sbsb^S, sbs-^S ," SFlbsbS , turtle-dove;
«bpT?, »F)bj5'T?, »nbl5b-p, Aeop o/ refuse, Tfia. qulqulet
declivity;' tlQ^Vp^ jar; VC^p^ (=«ypyp) fAroa/; RFlBJ?^]? Amd;*
»b^^m , wnbi^izj , Hnb-izj^io', chain.
t;* t;- t:«
icy.§T7.
s C7. Kn9*^999 (low, ^ram. PN., p. 96). The & became K through 1 (c/. JL =
Jti I "jittTp = Sth. v&sdma \ymn, Tigrd Qonne = fanf ane), or it was miBtaken for the
Egyptian article and dropped (cf. VoUers, ZDMO., L, 617, 654). The fact that v:>dMAJUMt
makes sense in Persian need not prove more its Persian origin than onr *' sparrow-grass *' the
English origin of " asparagus." y r>^ yif is a transposition of y q_'Q.'> -r « etymologically
the same as Hebr. «!&$&$ i whose verbal stem is found in Eth. s a f a f a aixmnd. Cl^ reed
may also belong here.
s Hal6Ty compares Kbp*^p with Assyr. kigallu lowland (cf. Muss-Amolt, A Ooncite
Dictionary of the Atsyrian LangiMget ».v.).
^ |/ Ju» = JkS = v.^ . For interchange of J and O <^/- ^^t> = Jo • The
primitiye meaning was evidently hollow out ; hence the correlative be convex. This explains
all the derivatives of the root. The first meaning appears in HB^p t &Ai > basket ; Kp9^ «
v.^*, fco/« of the axe; Tipi HTpia. Pot, bowl; the second, in iO^ip cupoto,rv.^
etony hill^ Lij oecipicf, whence the denominative La> 6e 6efc»nd, follow, HXmS = "^^PP^P
'*'' ^ < o -^
**"*** "^TR Assyr. qaqqftdu ; JJ> = S^'7P» eIe«a<io», 4X»Jki otcend a motmtoin,
OJJ? = JljuJ = Xb^p ; J4>y» ^i^fctop; Tfla. qerqerti occipve = *qedqedti (§86).
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Gbammab of thb Babylonian Talmud 97
qulqul and similar form8.—%9Q8. »nb«b«, SFlbsb^, skull;
?«aS)'n« crocus; STpTJ elevation; "lip'l^ raven; 'tKUlLTOfm,
iXOXiVXij sesame.
^ qalqal, qalqil, qalqill.—% 969. tk^Tn briar; VfVtTTi bad
thoughts (i/.U); Ka^ta-^, tO^ttb'^tt, and similar fonnB ; 'iOb^b,
JQ'^b^b ; «15|l25llD , «n?l^*-125 , chain.
qataUal and similar forma. — § 970. 8R*l2TSn trumpet;
RTl'ipnipH, and shortened: sn-pilpS, «F>;3!|"1^« , "* «F>j3'nj5K ,
Wnjjr^is', xUtcL > Jl^ , frog\v ^ = ^'= vj^f = ^f). '
qutaltil and similar forms.— % 971. SffliaTjS = SWOI"© ;
plur. sns'T© = «reis) .
* tt;t: tt:"
qatqal, qat0l—% 972. MTST lizard, ^|j^ . Cf. Maltese
bazuga bogaraves, zibbflgi olive-colored. KST1T, SMD'^riT,
squirting.
qatldl.—% 973. »bbl'n clue, skein, plur. "')>)tXn Yalqflt Pb.
862 = 5iill. 60a (§8l7;* VHTn rich landlorW kTi\>^ infer-
nal liar.
qatltl.—% 974. »b'^ban stomach of an animal;^ IXTSTfflpullet
in the egg-shell;^ ^'^'y^^ .
qatm.—% 975. vh'^Tn scare-crow; »2^2nT , shortened to
SS^n; «tt^t»T, «ttfe«T, young man;' vhnin chum, crony;''
SlD^lDrn emotion; KS®b^ Assyr. suluppu.
" qutulal.—% 976. ^Plur. ''BfcWibip .
VII. INFIXES.
§ 977. The inifixed elements are : S , a , 3 , D , B , 1 , 123 , n .
Some of these infixes have arisen from syllabic metathesis, others
from resolution of doubling ; still others come from verbal forms
1 This word is given by the Syriao dictionaries sub. %9 , but it belongs to %o^ y a
by-form of %9 . Qf. jt4> hano down loosely,
SThis is Tigr6 efibild = Bilin Sbild smalt in^fines.
yy y y y
' |/ \J^^ toy an egg with one push, Cf. i r ^"^i ^ bring forth a child with one effort
and 2UUS9% foetus.
* -^ io^'s * ioJ[\ f lilce n73 1 ^JU t denotes varioos animal sounds. tdltSTT = ^73 •
Of. Alg. Arab. io^QJ^'s t icJioJ^^s > ring-dovcy properly the cooing bird.
ft The variant Kn^HUn * which has misled our lexicographers, is not Ktl^l^I? i but
JJtt^lT^n /^»'*^^ companions.
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98 Hebbaioa
retaining '[■'SZin T^D, as the Hebrew grammarians would say.
Every case has to be judged by itself.
2, a, B.— §978. »nab2, snfiibs, eel, ^l^l, ^^,
yp^y Maltese sallur, alXovfm (Dozy, I, 673);* KTiaSK ;
S^-^b^;" »a^'n?, v^U, c/. ^SS mountain-path; sa^lS^
wine made of "^JS*)^ grape-stones; RHSbtD , srsibtD , lentils}
"t: & j~ tit:' t: •'
3 . — § 979. n'^b'^B^ left-handedy ambidexterous, hustrophe-
don;' «S3na = «5Bna rim; STOIS hard clod; S^^onr, K^JriT
1 The word seems to be Semitio. |/ Jlo means mnootK henoe hard, baUL, without
t«9«to^i<m. Here belong ^bj tonned fcide, «JLo &« <moot^ iJLot tnol^e, jJLo smooth,
^ ^\ ^ ..
smooth. On intorohange of n <uid ^ cf^kBByr, lab&rn grow old = ^Jw ; JL&t ~ ^ ^ *r
O O XO X X Vv
6e red; vviS' = '^^^ vnorti'nQ, Of, Berber, vaA.^LJL»fcJ •
^KVTQblA is connected with KD^tD^tDbA and tPTSbn. The explanation of these
words, being too long for a footnote, will be given elsewhere. Secondary 13 is also foond in
Hebr. tTTS^n « which belongs to ijmJL^ cut u^^ a vickU, going back ultimately to iim^ ;
in blSVn = iLvift I ^ t\€ctrQu^, alloy of four-fifths gold and one-fifth silrer, = Somali as 11
amber. Besides Eg. as em and Assyr. eSmartl, quoted by the dictionaries, belong here
Galla asamaru ahhtlirt and Arab. /Twm^^. and J,w_r '^otiey. blSVn means originally
a honey-colored mbetancet be it metal or some other material Finally in ^*TpD * P|^L0 ,
= 4>tykM f which denotes a certain stage in the growth of the palm. Names applied in the
North to the Tine are given in the South to the palm. Cf. blStDlJ jKSI ♦ "l^S L ^ ,
^n2l fi^Qi^aS , |nV/^v^ ^ and aO fig-tree and wine. For ^^ = 4>yiM c/. Barth,
ES., index. For meaning <^. Galla s e r e d6 ire«n.
' )/^JLb = Jl^lIo = ^y^ — h ^^ denotes the dirty brownish, greenish, livid,
^ ^ II -^ / I . »'
or grayish color of animal and vegetable matter. Hence J'f^.v^ miU, {j^^JO coffee-
y u y *?* -'•ox
grounds, ^^^JL^kJo Lemnaca«a, i fi^ ^ linium. Denominative: ^r^^ fiatten
wmething cowoex, i. «., yitw i^ the ehape of a lentil, a, V^if fiatten like a cake; hence
■^1 ^ijp moifee ffcin or fine and its <X^ etout, big. From the last we get the shortened
verbs ^Jsi , JbJLi > JkAtd* Bth. (aflal^t eomething round and flat, a silver coin;
hence shortened (al^ala ficUten,
*K^b'!J5ta left-handed = Jj]^, jj^o^ (§842d) left-handed, ambidexUroue = JjV I
ambidexteroue; cf, Eth. g^adal&^l d</6ch« la!>orans. J4>\t stands for Jy^t • The
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Gbahmab of thk Babtix>nian Talmud 99
Ao«e;' S^?"^? or **1$5T *"*"* flavored with herbs; sbsS'QD load,
burden, Fi., R. H. 266; '^VHO (v^-Jy*); ie2315TDW= SS15TDB
(§980).
0, TO.'— §980. «3pT« (=«3p8); snoip^bn, KTipipbn,
«Flp1p"'bp = SMp-'bp ; fcmWJ3'"1D = HFl'ip'^D comb; iWD^Q^V)? hip-
bone; H33f« (§46); «2|^TDB she-raven {^J»£i, yafii), literally
the egg-breaking bird; ? iX^'DTQ service-tree.* Qf. ijuyiS fig-
tree, but Dozy has ^juJoS^ I
"I.— §981. Vhr^,»)'r\»„ hammock {V)>V) ;* ad-rm gazelle;
«B1T;a stump; iimp^^cubit; HCmyn couch,bed, Eth.'medcjftB;
T'Tiri ; Hn-BiB"in scobs; ? K«B"ltt ;' «nba"i3 = gCas, with dis-
similation of last Btem-consonant ;• fc^*^p*^© arm-chair (quttal);
fc^Ma'ia pear Z = Eth. mOgart precious stone; sba^PM, j4\>
palm-mat; »tt^t:nap, LUaU, ^oflf; nsb^^'V naked; ^VC]ip}p
Italian
(=dl) loses its J before \ and 4> and % are transposed. |/Jy^ toci*<; </.
mancino. On the connection between left-handedness and ambidexterity cf. — ^ ,
I means both. Hence ^H to grab with both handt^ ro6, and Jy^ 0^ t^^^ 2K>ffc
(, be generous, ^
which
handt^
U
iCy.Assyr. znriqAti implements of irrigation^ *^V) w«*«^*W-PO*. 0%^)S Hvule*.
i«j^\ wat«Hny-macMn«, Eff. Arab. 0\*v> long^necked water-bottle.
« cy. Z4., vn, 179 »«. ; ^^TiT., xvn, ssi.
« Cy. ''pbtDO''^ Italian, VL., 'Er. 646, SpHOB (= XpHB) ^W- ^rlrd, ed. Neubauer,
p. 81 ; fcnjpO'^S = "tpPS ^^'* P- *^ (*>'** **^ »"*y *>® ^"^ istaph'al form). Here probably
belongs nHTlVT litart |/ JCft , goddeu of aextial luet. Jc& = -^ (§ 798, n. 1) rougK,
strong, passionate, hence fruitful. From the idea of fmitfulness and plenty we have JC^
kid, JC^« Eth. and dialects 'a tar beans, pea*, grain, Hebr. "V17« D'V^t D'WTt
abundance, increase, JCft Md and capers may contain the idea of sexnal passion ; c/.
Hebr. il31*)^ , the goat being known for Instfolness, and the capers may have been used as
an aphrodisiac. ni'lDW in "JKS DTTTltDT may be identical with r^ Jcid, Cf, also
Skipwith, JQ^„ XI, 256.— From snch a form as Kr)D1p*^bD has probably developed the
Syriac independent snfflx wtfo~~«
*For the double treatment of the last stem-vowel cf, Hebr. H'^^tt'lJ ^th ftTQ^tJ.
s The etymology of this word is not certain. It has two series of synonyms. On the one
hand, TnSK* K^Sn, KDan^ ; on the other, nnm*^ and Hjbx . It may go back to
V&Q as well as to O%J0 •
It is, however, not impossible that the stem is 3^3 * since yo = "^P * ^* ^^*
k^orebta hill. But c/. the spelling of '^SP^S'^P cr^^^ in Jellineck*s ID^ltDH D'^a,
VI, 100. . .-
222602
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100 Hebbaioa
n.— §982. Sbsm cluster (§790, n. 1); vrm (§56);'
■n^Fiy?* ■^-2?. savory, VL., Sabb. 128 a.'
VIII. PLUBIOONSONANTAI..
§983. WTDliS, MTDIIIH Assyr. abursftnu;* sbSTOS or
SiS'^BS, Assyr. abkallu; 'Jp'^'lfclt, Assyr. urm abb u ( = urvftbti),
great ium; «b5*^T)» , Assyr. dimgallu (§50); WPlbanj* SomaU
armali widow ;^ sbTin mustard; SDB*i3, ,yJC^; HWOB lean
lamb; «B3n?, Ml^nTD, nasf; SbiaSnFI, UtbaWFl, Assyr. tarra-
nngalln, a compound of tarra hen and nngallu hing;^
SFlbi]i3'1Fl . Here belongs also Htti'^ISl lionesSj from a stem
I'ns, 111«;* «:Qinn5 bofcer = Assyr. nu-batimmu.'
APPENDIX.
HYPO0OBI8TI0 ENDINGS.
§984. Proper nomis end in ^'^, "i^, *^ or **-, 5| or i, and S~.
-E?.flf., «'^niD!a, ■«a^m, -^ibs orV^«, 5o-«, iQ^'-»«, 5n2«, wn (for
tj:~: " • •" •*" :" t-: tt
VQT\, § 794). Most or all of these endings occur also in the other Ara-
maic dialects and in Hebrew-Phenician.^ In Amharic we find the end-
ings ^, a, and 6? The origin of these endings is still unknown.
1 The Ma'ltUa dialect stiU retaini the :^ in KtStTT.
'l/"^!rS* Cf* J^JUC %yot d<i;icul<ie«,unpl6<Man<<Mn0f, Maltese saatr a trtmdie-
»ome; also c Ju = ^^O jJ^Jf^^O and i Jo = "V?? «#««<' w*** toordt.
> The word seems to be a oomponnd. The first half seems to oontaln Eth. a^d r ram,
Amh. a^rft male^ a^rd voiXd beast = Eth. ar^d, our K^"^2$ and K^^^^ . In the Knshitio
languages the word, under various forms, means son, daughter, child, youth, huri)and, man.
What is the other element t
A armali is a compound of (w)ar+ma+li huiband-*- not shaving. The Kunama drops
the last element and says ermatii no+hu»band. To the Somali form go back &JLo^t ,
Wn^'S'^S » '^JV^S J ^ *^® Kunama form, Phenician DttbX . ^
& Of, Oppert, ZA„ YII, 839. Is modem Arab. &JL^O turtle-dove connected with thist
6 ^*in!)^ ftoMe is probably connected with this stem, meaning originally the place for
the animale,
7 Cf. Zimmem, ZDMG., LIU, 115 ; Haldvy, Rev* 8em,, 1899, pp. 278 tg.
8 Cf, Hoffmann, Ueber einige phOniz, Imchriften, p. 84 ; Benan, Bi!J,, V, 181 tg.
Cf. D^Abbadie, Diet. Amar., t. v. g&brd (coL 847).
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Gbammab of the Babylonian Talmud 101
gendeb, numbeb, and state.
§ 985. There are two genders, masculine and feminine; two num-
bers, singular and plural;^ and three states, absolute, construct, and
definite.
§ 986. The feminine ending, if the word-stem end in a consonant, is
aty if in a vowel t; e. g., tntX2 (§ 7986), nObS • The feminine ending
has sometimes the force of a diminutive ; e. g., USTfyTB small table?
T ; T
§ 987. The absolute and construct states occur but seldom, the
definite state, having lost largely its original determining force, being
used instead.
§ 988. The termination of the definite state is usually ]^, rarely
fT~; in a few cases, with 'imftl^, *»— (§ 69).' The ending "^ occurs
only in the following adjectives: ■^Fl'^nnS, *^na3^, ^'Fl'lttiT,* "'ttiT,
Ti'in and '^mn, ^tr\Tn, ■^nj^a^O, '^rii':!, and m the noun ^Vp^i or
•^Rp^Ha cataract of the eye? Some of these words occur also with the
regular ending R— .
T
PLUBAL TEBMINATiONS.
1. Masculine Endings,
§ 989. a) The usual endings of the masculine plural are : ab8» at
[]>7, c«t. 8t ^y defin. ««. «^, '7. E. g., "(-naiia, l^bTa Sanh. 26a;
•^Rip sixty (§ 136); tX^T'W^ Sanh. 466; "^WT »6id. 296. ^In a few cases
the ending -^ is diphthongized : '^■'^3 FZ.,Zeb.ll26, *^fc^^3 FIr.,Sabb.
148 a.* In some other cases XT" is written for •»— , the H being added
to show that the pronunciation is ^, not i. This is quite common in later
literature. Cf, trT\Xa^'2^ Sanh. 7a, n-JTH^H, FT'aSa, ibid. 109a.
6) Not infrequently the ending of the definite state of the singular
is retained before the plural ending. E. g,, TtXyfT M. MS. Meg. 146,
''S'liart yL., Sabb. llOa, ■'Wti-'b Keth. 91a, ^'•^Vn Sabb. 110a. In
•• T T -; •• T T • •• T T
some cases it is doubtful whether we have to read "^K" or **S"" • For
nouns of the form sbitDp cf, § 847.
I For remnant of dual cf. V^'y^ > Tt)V^ •
s Of. also TO.t ed. HarkaT7f 8 34, and Gnidi, Oram, elem, delta lingua amarina^ 16 e.
8 On the natore of the ending K~ cf. Berth, AJ8L., XII, and Lindberg, Vergl. Oram,
d/tr Semit, Sprachen^ I^Kaq,
^cf.'^T^'yjyiHo.sx,
* Of. ^VyY^ = ^y^ ^^M n, 23, Ifli^ ^^na the v>hoU day, HO. 221. Cf. also V)yO
= TVyn wauB, TR., nl58; -^^R three (p. 43. n. 1), ^XS^^ ^^**' Dl^ltDtDn "D ed. Halber-
Btam, p. 46; ^03 tome, Igg. JKertrA, ed. Goldberg, p. 83, = TTTQS ibid,, ed. Neabaner, pp. 23,
44. The n showB that the pronunciation was *)*^ . Cf,%9S»a.
8 Notice l^^bbj) Igg. Serlrd, ed. Neubauer, p. 28.
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102 Hebbaica
c) Very seldom we find the ending **3~> *'S3~« The following are
all that occur: ''iS'^a Se'el. § 92 = 5uD. 176 ;» *^3Wi3 = La^ ; "VtO stockSy
Pee. 28 a; '^3130 B. M. 866, ^iQISO VL., ibid.;^ "inpO 'Arftkh, Sanh.
•• T - - T - •• T It-
98a; ■'3'^B2 C^itt. 70a.' In words with this ending occurring only in the
plural it is sometimes doubtful whether the singular ended in K3~~ or
not; e.fif., "StDB^l^, "SnilS-
2. Feminine Endings.
§ 990. a) The usual endings of the feminine are : dbs. st, "r- , est. et.
t\-y defin.st SH-. E. gf., ^03, daughters; tWQ'H tearSy Sabb. 336;
T T T 'T : T : •
6) Not infrequently we find the double plural "Xy , 1TI~ , Tr .
E.g., 'iWa Meg. 146; ]tT^^ Sabb. 1406; •j'^riTlD FZ., Pee. 1116;
•^nnrn FZ., Sabb. 110a;'^nS^n3 Meg. 146.
c) In a few cases the plural ending is attached to the ending of the
singular; e.g., iff\PS12^ traditions, »niFlBb Ups.*
d) The endings fc^Jll- , Sn^~ (iiriV)> which are regular in feminine
^ T T TT TT :
nouns from ''Vb -stems, are also taken by the following nouns :
a) Nouns ending in Sn^, S^"^, ^f^T7» ^ ^'^Jir*' localitiesf
«n--Ba capers, voT^-^iyr) first, horn «nrin«, »n-Ba,'«n-i3Tp.
tt;* ttt:'- t i ^ r * ' t:t:'~
fi) Masculine participial nouns from "^'ft ; as fc^Jl1*lCfc^, Sll1V^>
txc\mi2> from ^-^DS, »^n, *«''-^a.
t T ; T t : T T-: t t : t
y) A number of other nouns, with or without feminine ending in
the singular, which cannot be classified; as fc^m^^Iin, fc^ni*^iT3> from
KFiTnn, K'ln?. cf. § 992.
8) A few nouns ending in a labial show in the plural the ending
«nrr instead of «riT- , «n7 : »nna» fatJiers, parents, »nnB»
mothers, IKTOU^ maid-servanis, «nha«'cu6*te, «nnat:«, HTratk,
tt:, - ttt- tt;:- t.t:-
Hanks, fc^nni3^ names.
ttt:
c) In a few cases it is impossible to decide whether the plural ending
is »m-, »nr- or ^rfr, »ni^, fn'^n;!yasK or w-riiyass, e. y.,
A.Z.29a, tt^W^IB or ©-^^^JlVdnB , Bot. 86,'«mB5|pn or kniB^pR,
:-t::-t :- :-t tt:*^: r ':
5ull. 606.''
> K39''? . ^yi^^^y 'Anfin, MWJ., 1883, p. 228.
« '^JBKn'ttD TO,, od. Harkavy, § 550, "JjMjb'in ibid, "jj^n is Palestinean.
^X^^n'lX HQ. 140; K^)(;Dt5"Q ihid.'2ffi; 'jinnK^^b'^r^ IgO'^^^rd, ed. Neubaner.
p. 19. From these forms we get a sinffolar with two H '■ : KHni^SV * ^(X^Q'ilS Se*H,, g 8 ;
Knnp'^? Sabb. 134a.
* TT^mSa ^^ dauQhtert, Hal. Pe«., § 88.
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Gbammab of the Babylonian Talmud
103
FoBMATioN OF THE Plubal. — § 991. Nouns with long vowels, with
formative elements, or with sharpened second stem-consonant, undergo
9 99
no change in the plural. Nouns of the forms Jjti , Jjti show some-
times in the plural a full vowel, or a trace of a vowel. E» g,, ■'SbS > **5bH >
rffiSS , nXB (Alf . B. Q. 276).'
§ 992. The following is a list of nouns having an irregular plural, or
several plural forms. The list is not exhaustive, though nearly so. The
qfttul-forms ending in ""S- (§ 847) and the nouns ending in ""J- (§ 989)
are not included here :
T -:
T T T -:
«bp""n— ■'»bp""n baskets
•HFI-JIS
^)'?^.—'^' ^f>7' P^^^
T T -:
T T : - T T -:
»nrn»
tt: : -
T : -
-^, »n-, »nn-
•• T T T T :
it:" I •;" f...— .
• IT
T T T T :
T T ; s *"
T •
-«nnB»
T T T •
r ; V -: t t : ; -
«ra3»-
-"i"^, sripr, ^n-;
snrn— -n^sn m. ms. b. m.
»r\n3«-
-"mi, "Xfflj
836'snrn
TT "
»Fiy32f»-
-»n7,KPl'i-(§989d,c)
"n-irn-»n , "n
• :t • T T •• T
sriysQ-
--JiQ'
TT - •• " T
sriy^a-
-TS
T T -: •• •• T
sroti^a-
-ytsum"^
«nia!in-pi2in
Wa-
-^ra
»da!irt-*fffi^!in, »r>-;Tpa!in,
T :
-"33, """Q (VL., Sanh.
... .. ;
176)
»n-"«TOin AifiB.M.
T T :
64a
[»r\io"n]— "tD^n
T : • •• •
'n"ia (m/ms. b. m.
n»bpn-«jn"-<bpn
TT »; - T TT»: -
396)>
T : T •
T T T T :
VffOn twigs
T T T
»Ta"'"n-
-"^^■"^
t««n]— "ion, "STon
XT •• T ~ T
T :
T T
sbujsin-"-, "»-
T : •• •• T
ftes'i'i]-
TT : T
T : •• T : •• T : - t :
»Cy. 8 783.-'»5Jna variariU, TR., U, 50. ♦mn'isa HaZ. Pe«., § 88.
a K^pn^K HG. 140. 6 I^P J'll /yy. SeHrA, od. Neubauer, p. 15.
» "^l^^a TO,, ed. Harkayy, § 381. « jinnX^Db'^^^ ibid,, p. 19.
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104
Hkbbaioa
iXTfia-^—yrfior^
ilT9-rV9 eyes, ntrorP
T •• 1 • :" TT ••
iXioBo—y^, "»-
fountains
T • : I • I • T
tmP—^W gentiles
T " •• T "
«F0Ti3-«r>"'^'ii3
TT - -
HP©-"!© "
vrmv—iffrnwrf
r • ▼ ▼ :
va^Y^—"}-^
t;-t TT t:
srrabs-rabi
«Fnp-33— "riic-'js
TT I
T» TT TTI TT:T
T :- T T TT :
T ; • T T TT : T T :
TT : T T : T :
T : • 1 ' TT :
HTO^ai-na^i)
»nr32-inr3s
T -: • : 1 T T • :
^;i,,^_,^;^ ^ night, t^f>«^,
mp-^y^, ^Mj?
T : • " " . "^ ''
T T
[«n2*l2p]— «n"^212)3
T : • ; T T ♦• T
viTQrip—^'iinp'
r X ''t TT : '^T
tinVra— ^>''';a
srrsria— «ri-"3Jna, iifmr\n
T*:~ tt::~ t"*:-
T ;•- " T T TTI
corner«
liwri';TDpj-«ri^, mxvr, date-
Btonea
«a-l— "3-131 flrea*, KmSI
T - •• : : - T T : -
teacher 8*^
T -:■" T T TT
•J— TTS;~ ••TJS"
T : • TT :
»ra*)— '^rt^l trtnda, spirits.
T ; - T T
T T
n»D-r«c, "ISO
T S 1 • I •• T
T ; • •• T ••
«raD— «n^, mr, sm^
[Knba-TDl-c/. § 881
1 ^SJ37b'»^ SM, No. CLXXvni.
' KnK;pt^13 1 KI^*^7lp13 1 i^9- SeHra, ed. Neabauer, p. 10 ; ptn^t^lj iMd., ed. Goidberff
8 or. Amarlfifia t&f, Qnara Jib.
* yspp^^'n ^99^ Serird^ ed. Nenbaner, p. 2L
» Kt?^^ . ^W^ . ^^WWl ' ^^* ^^*^' *^- Nenbaner. p. 83 ; ( WHl'J^'^ ibid^
188) ; ^nx^ ^Pm V. 7, 8 a.
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Gbahmab of thb Babylonian Talmud 105
[tanTii]— ynT«
viyB—iomD
RTwaiij— »r|Fr'
r t T - " :
«nB''tt— smnBTD, vamm*
t: • TTi:' ttt:
NOUNS WITH POSSESSIVE SUFFIXES.
§993. l8t person sing, com.— a) With singular nouns: "^fi^^ my
heady Ned. 50a; '^nn^ my wife, ibid.; '^"^na^ my wages, B. M. 70a;
^tfkb'Vi my power, Meg. 16 a.
b) With plural nouns: ^J^ [my life, Y6mft 13a; ^^'\i'2 my wifes,
Sanh. 386; *'iQ*'*^p ray relatives, B.M. 87a; Wa:2K my fingers, Ber.
56 a; *^KJmiT rny documents, Ned. 27a; *^linsb tWd. 50a.
§ 994. Ist person plur. com.— a) With singular nouns: T^W2 our
soul, Ned. 25a; l^T our hand. Pes. 50a; SDjnS our land, M. MS.
Ber. 586.
b) With plural nouns: fll^'^y upon us, Men. 40a; IS^IHS^ both of
us, Sebu. 376.
§ 995. 2d person sing, nhasc.—a) With singular nouns : "rj'na thy
son, Ned. 286; ^^ab thy heart, ibid. 21 6.
6) With plural nouns : Ttnili^ IBS thy sons and thy daughters, Ber.
56 a; 'nb^^SR thy phylacteries, ibid.
It • :
§ 996. 2d person sing, fern.— a) With singular nouns: T1ZJB3 thy
soul, U.Q. 16b; Tj'^Brtb ^% 6read,Taan.25a; '?|''MVp <%meaZl Ned.
24a; ^"DtTW thy vkfe, ibid. 13a.
6) With plural nouns: ?{'^2) thy legs, l!faz.2ib; T'lilDS thy Joists,
Taan. 25a; ?pnTji:Q thy female neighbors, Ned. 21a;* ■5'«|n thy life,
YOmft 13a; '^S-sa thy sons, VL., Sabb. 1516.
1 "^tlK^^ l09' SeHrd, ed. Gcadberg, p. 13 ; K^K^V ibid., ed. Nenbaner, p. 18.
> V^l^lfl iMd., ed. Goldberg, p. 2.
» ?rpn«pip BQ., ed. pr., 2a; WH^V 53f. No. 58.
« Sjrr. )£b^ . This ii oonneoted with Maltese qa f la tiring, tie, band^ bond, 'Afar-Saho
tnfnl yam, bond, ribbon. "pbDH mean properly /Uletf. The doubling of the b may be
due to the same law as in a form like D^^^IJI « hut is more probably due to a popular ety-
mology, connecting it with H^D prayer, and differentiating it from H^I? folly.
ft From the method of Talmndio spelling it does not seem likely that the ending could be
^p~^ . It is, however, possible that we have to read it •p'7 1 &> with singular nouns.
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106 Hbbbaioa
§997. 2d person plur. masc, — a) With singular nouns: "liSJ^
your land, Keth. 112a; ^iSribH your Ood, M. MS. Sanh. 39a; Sfitvab
to your housey C. MS. Pes. 101 a'; tob© all of you}
b) With plural nouns:' tt'^Tlb» Sanh. 39a; ©■^^np'l your teach-
ers, Gitt. 686; "j'b'^an your teacher, Ker. 6a (= liSSiin TF. ibid.);
O^^ri'^Tay your doings, Meg. 16a (§ 833, note); •firaV your days, M.
Ms!*Sabb;i366.
§ 998. 2d person plur, fem. — a) With singular nouns : No example.
6) With plural nouns: '^i'^TSS your pots, Pes. 30a; '^S'^rplB your
crumbs, ibid. 110a; '^S'^'ITp your pots, C. MS. ibid.; '^p^^ibnFl
(= '^p'^-'jbnFI C. MS.) your spices, ibid. 1106; "S'^'^B® your mouths,'C.
MS. Pes'! ilOa; ''i'^'^nb^ your clocks, B^ 386.
§999. 3d person sing. masc. — a) With singular nouns: Wbd
''b©, all of it, passim;* "^na "^21 his grandson, Ned. 486;* ^''^''a'n
his wife, S6ta 226, 40a; ^nr^'^n'H id. Ned. 23a; iinn'^^'^'n id. M.~Ms!
Y6mft 836, Sabb. 1516; •^nK-n'l't^i. VL., B. M. 84a; ijppn'a'n id.C.
MS. M. Q. 96;* ^IPr^n'^ab to his house, VL., B. B. 10a.«
6) With plural nouns : WSS his sons, Ber. 8a; rPT his hands, ibid.
91a; HTOy^ ^wrea«orw, Ned.* 81 a; pP'^lb"? t^pon ^»m (§ 80) ; iin^S
his baldachins, M. MS. Sabb. 138 a; ''njSs^ its boundaries, B.B. 68^a;
*^fTVa ^w ^elly, Zeb. 5a; '»'^iB» /iw /ac6* M. MS. Ber. 56Ja; plisK
Sabb.' 129a; '^iJB'!! ^lis 6eadte«, Gitt. 34a.
§ 1000. 3d person sing, fem.^a) With singular nouns: S")naH
after her, Meg. 76; HTiyn B. B. 151a; WrQ^rQ B. M. 1046 (»rQ^n3
T : - T ; I T : :
= v-jU5^, not = v^«iX«o).
6) With plural nouns: ms her sons, Ber. 56a; RCTlSS her dav^h-
ters, ibid.; J^Q'^^tp her relatives, ibid.; '^S'^ upon her, A. Z. 28a;
Sn3"^2213 her boundaries, B. B. 128 a; SHfOS'^^ her woman-neighbors,
T T T : V T T T T ••
» KjnbXTB your quettUmy TO. cd. Muesafia, § 42. K^ = "JJ = "J^D , as «} = "j J = "p: .
2 Sioffolar nouns with plural suffixes are classed here.
s *>^^D is not a plural, as ^ven by the dictionaries. A plural of oU, totality t is hardly
conceivable. For the use of the word before plural nouns c/. Hebr. Tin^-
* Of. Pal. Syr. ,^^^qJ = gua^oJ (Schwally, Idioticon^ s,v.),
& With helping vowel. The expression ^({1*^3'^ '^^ ^'^'^ ^^ explained by the Talmudists
as a euphemism, This is probably correct as far as Jewish usage is concerned. But if the
expression be not of Jewish coinage, it must have meant originally 84>LlU stay-ctt-home.
ofcrniS'np TG., ed. Luria, §207; Tl'^Otf ^^ phyiician, TG., ed. Mussafla, §89;
in^ny^S fc<« W«» rO., ed. Cassel, § 86 ; Hp^^iP hU neighbor, TO., ed. Harkavy, § 182.
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Gbammab of thb Babylonian Talmud 107
Sanh. 82a; tTiby C.MS. Pee. 86 (voc.); tVi^'^y SM. No. xxm (voc.).
{^ = ^; cf. "Additions and Corrections" to §'li6.)*
§ 1001. 3d person plur. masc. — a) With singular nouns : *.irib©
all of them, 'Er.SOa; 'jiniD'''^ their head, C. MS. Meg. 11a; ''^TTp
^7ieirtord,Ned. 62a; linSpV ^/^etr 6eard, Naz. 39a; Tif)© Ned. 2a^-
■jBSt their mother, Sabb. 1436; ^^SJ themselves, Pes. 1186; 'jinn'na
(= 'jinn*)*!!) their being scattered, VL., A. Z. 106; iirO'^rn^i^ their rvay,
Alf. Ber. 386.'
6) With plural nouns: ■jiJT*X3'^3 M. Q. 46; "jinya their words,
VL., 'Er. 686; ^HTlb^ C. MS. Meg. 14 6 (voc.); ^in-'^ia their garments,
Sabb. 1306; iinn-^-Jna VL., 6ebu. 386; XT\\rS Ber! 5ba; "jirT^n Pes.
1136; -(rPrt VL.!ibid,; JT^Q M. MS. Sabb. 336; "j'^TO^'^p B. B.
1616; iinS'^Bia their wings, iSucca 56; ^na'^'^iaiD their captors, Keth.
23a.* With loss of final vowel : rP'^t^rOS VL., Sabb. 1096.*
§1002. 3d person plur, fern, — a) With singular nouns: "^n^©
Keth. 206.
6) With plural nouns: ""tfrCA C.MS. M.Q.96; '^HTa'^p FZ., Pes.
746; %n^rip FZ., Pes. 306. *
ADJECTIVES WITH ENCLITIC PBONOUNS.
§ 1003. A few adjectives take enclitic personal pronouns, like parti-
ciples : FlST'SS thou art high, Sabb. 67a ; FlB^'SH thou art tvise, Bekh.
86; rQ'^sy thou art downcast, B6$a 166; •J'^lpiT f^ were small, B. B.
1426; 'JJ'ra'^Sn Bekh. 86; "jJX'^IBp '^ ore old! B.B. 1426; ]TXS]) id.
VL. ibid.'' ' "
«a«, «n«, «nn«, txnn, txnm with suffixes.
T-: T-: TT-: t-: t;
§1004. 1st sing. com. — a) With singular nouns: "^nii FX., 'Er.
1386;^ -^^nnS Meg. 136; ■'SBtD Sabb. 1456.
6) With plural nouns: "•JinnS Taan. 23a; *^'^rini» VL., B. B. 86;
•rmns Sabb.57a.
»TiTinb HG.255; T^'^Tinb ibid.m; ^ririsi^7 ibid.m; -rjiTnpbn loo- ^nra,
od. Ooldberg/p. 10.
' ^nbn'<3 to them^ HO. 106 (*^bn*^3 shows that this preposition is used in the singular) ;
Ttt'^rnbl?! they three, ibid. CI ; 'JTa'jr? (= pHS'^ST) lOO^ SetlrA, ed. Goldberg, p. 18.
•WJiP SM. No. XXV (voc.) ; inb ibid.; yyTXTT HG. 215; inXpJ TG.. ed. Harkavy,
9 70 ; ■jrr^lTP ™., U, 14 ; "jTliaS ^^^ ^- '^niram'p. ^ ; linnX^^DiS lyy. Serira, p. 24.
^rr^riaib^ IgO' Serira, ed. Neubauer, p. 44; H^nPl^ MV. 81.
6 With adverb: KJ'^StJ 31RT? HG". 411, for 'ij'^ KjanjjTJ.
• •^iCn^ JJG.818.
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108 Hbbbaioa
latplur. com. — a) With singular nouns: 'fltM Ber. 186, Eeth. 92a;
■05Q« Keth. 85&; «5^rt« Yeb. 376, 38a, B. B. 135a; «3n», fcO«n«,
fr-: T-: tt-:tt-:
M.Q.286.*
6) With plural nouns: I'tirnS VL., B. B. 76; ]tSl2^ Pes. 506;
«3nnn« e. y. t6id.
2d »ing. maac. — a) With singular nouns: WQS Ned. 286, 506;
TJ'^SK Sanh. 236.
2dplur.masc,—a) With singular nouns : liS^QR B.M.346; tt^QS
VL., B. B. 58 a; liSiinS Yeb. 376; ■j'b'tlSf E. Y. ibid.
3d sing, maac. — a) With singular nouns: PPQS Ber. 186; VPQ8
Naz. 30a; |^^n« Sanh. 5a; tTHS C. MS. Meg. 6a, VL., B. Q. 886 (voc.)l
man Sanh. 286; TnpA^ ibid, la; maiD Ber. 19a.«
6) With plural nouns': '^nin« Naz! 5a, gull. 60a; priHK B. B.
I51a; rrn» VL.ibid.; niin« M^.16a; irrtnt^ Sabb.l3a; {rnwH
FZ., B. M. 1046.
3daing.fem.—a) With singular nouns: SiTQSt her father^ Suct^
31a, C. MS. Meg. 16a; snttS hia father, Sebu. 47a; kTOan hia father-
in-law, eds. Qidd. 126;» ivtntk Ned. 74a.
6) With plural nouns: «nn» B. B. 141a.*
Sdplur.maac. — a) With singular nouns : "I'lfl^Ut B.M.346; ItTDSl
FX., B, B. 76, B. Q. 1046, Sebu. 476.*^
6) With plural nouns: 5|fr";nna« Meg. 15a; -jinin^ Keth. 526;
^pr'-nnaii) oitt. ii6; ^irpaui zeblial vr^aiD c. ms. Meg. i46 (voc.).»
: - T T ; : - I
NOMINAL COMPOUNDS.
§ 1005. Nominal compounds are of various kinds : a) Two nouns
standing in genitive relation; as KFllD'^33 "^21 syna^oguey VQ3!^ b^Sl
T : • : •• T T : —
enemy. Sometimes both words are contracted into one, with occasional
phonetic loss ; as SSJlfci paternal uncle, Tfla. Ijiauebbo, "'3'^^*)W gums,
•^SWTg fiah-brine (=«^3W ^53 VL., Sabb. 1056), "|i5^2bl? = "ji'^S iTblD;
KJTirD , itri'naailB , names of cities.
T : ; - : t • s :
1 Kjnni^ ^'€ln 8 14; )yQ:t^ ibid., § 28; K)tjt^ TQ., ed. HarkaT7, 8 1.
« ■»'Q15 AG. 548 ; ^liym^ ibid. 248 ; IJjIinii. ^W* Setira, ed. Goldberg, p. 89 ; »^^ HO.,
ed. pr., 97c.
tcy.8105.
*giniss»'«..82i.
» ^TlrQX^ TO., ed. Harkayy, 8 282.
• 'ph'njtj log* Sertrd, ed. Gtoldberg, p. 12 ; ^irPOtJ^ <6<<f .,.p. 2 ; -phTnntJtl^ ibid., ed.
Neubauer. p. 4 ; ^H'^l'StJ » VO'ngtj i BLOW., 6 42.
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Gbammab of the Babtlonian Talmud 109
6) Two nouns in appoeition; as nS"), WS"!, WaSI (= HSH 31,
T- T*T T'T T-
^3*^28 2^)- Instead of a noun the first element may be an adjective or
participle: fcO^QicTp, M^J'^bui, kinds of fish.»
c) Noun in apposition to participle or participial noun : fc^JTlia *TSl »
•^*)'n '^Sa yL.y Sanh. 109a.
d) Noun and numeral in genitive relation : **inJ3D > *)FlpO > piaster
made from product of dragon-tree.
e) Noun and attributive adjective: TpFllDS; (= Sft^Tp tXHW)-
f) Two numerals: TTPI (= VOn STH). ' *
g) Adjective and noun: Sn'*plD 1'^tpj!)«
h) Preposition and noun: ftB'^fci = Assyr. ♦ina mati, bHRfci =
- . r : *
Assyr. ina timftli.
%) Relative particle and noun : Htt'^S'^ wife}
r — i
§ 1006. In the nominal compounds described above, the second
member of the compound determines the gender and number, and
receives the endings which would otherwise be attached to the first
word: -^niD^js "^a, ^9X\n "^a, n«TipB nna, nsn-^na^®. But c/.
••SlDS '^Fia MM. Ber. 62a.
1 The nature of the first element in K)^3*Qp and Kp3^9^ ^ uncertain* Kp3tp^
is probably vs^a^t iojtyO agut^galera.
* For similar formations in Assyrian cf. Jensen, ZA,^ VII, 174, n. 1.
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9
nJ
A COLLATION OF THE GOSPEL TEXT OF APHRAA-
TES WITH THAT OF THE SINAITIC, CURETONIAN,
AND PESHITTA TEXT.'
By JoLins A. Bewkb, B.D., Ph.D.,
New York, N. Y.
Iatthbw
A
p
St
Sc
2:20
%Q.Q^
r^?
= A
= P
om.
oC^j^o
= P
= P
^O0U^ oUt^
o£bd^? %4:^
= P
= P
H%
v-^
= P
= P
^^1
^
= P
= P
om.
om.
= A
3:2
,^SU^3L^ ^
om.
om.
om.
4:11
Xa^ o'LMly
auioioio
auio
a£|.Do
= P
OU^ OSpO
=Ss
5:3
^CKJi-^i^
^ mO^*^
= A
= A
5:9
^AOialfi ^oJoi?
^*oialfi9
= A
= A
5:13
(3uiJ^:>0
= A
= A
USv
5:14
^^
= A
^^
= A
Uj] >-!£>
= A
= A
\^
= A
\r^
=Ss
5:18
\^ \z^A ?cu. Ut^
^ oj )^ ja-k
= A
= A
but adds
but also
VffoloJ ^
= P
= P
om. pLaJ ^e
= A
= A
>o^%^>
: 19 ^r\rs > flSv?
= P
but om. ^9
=Ss
= P
rest = P
= P
= P
but om. ^:«
1 See Dr. Bewer*8 article on "The Hiatory of the New Testament Canon in the Syrian
Church," I, Amtrican Journal of Theology, January, 1900, pp. 64-88.— A = Aphraatee;
P = Peshitta ; Ss = Codex Syrus Sinaiticus ; Sc = Codex Syrua Curetonianua.
110
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Collation op Stbiao Gospel Texts
111
Matthbw a P
5 : 23 \^i \l^bo^ fS y 0| n V> ^.^.aoi o<nJ)
Ss
= P except
£J) i^^) >fAM] ^^^9 r^^l? r^?'^^ ^V>/n
y^^^Q^ wOnnA^ >0|^ 1^1 >0|^ 1^) >^a^1 jiNS l^b^] ;iS\ i^^l
5:29
5:30
5:35
5:36
5:39-41
6:6
6:8
om.
Mo
om.
I ll>V»
01^ >^0I
om.
Wo
om.
a9
om.
= A
= A
)X.^^9
= A
om.
om.
t^^ .0^9
%n n ^ 1o
01^ rnni^
oUoI^U'^ |3^ oA^ ii^£jiD )a:m3
6:9 ■ >\i V> .o^b^eoi
6: 12 (twice) v^l©
= P
= P
= A
om. vs. 30
om.
= A
= A
= A
= A
= A
= A
(= A) > nwlo j
= P
= A
= A
= A
= P
= P + ooi
= A
13 ^L2] ^
= A
= A
missing
Sc
= P
except sA^^)
>Dj-o for %^
(c/: A)
,-k<n:^(=A)
else = P
= P
= A
= P
= P
om.
^^ai ) 4 nnn9
= A
= A
= A
= A
= A
= P
= P
= P
= A
= A
= P
= P
= A
=Ss
= P
= P
= A
= P
= A
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112
Hebbaioa
Matthbii
f A
p
St
Sc
6: 19
laa-^T:^A^^? M
Mo\mm ha'
missing
= A
\ma VjJ? hA
\niiVo
6:'>.o
)^Au» P^ \h:Ltujo
om.
missing
om.
Uia 09 M
missing
= A
J^flo
UasjU^o
tfiO^Mo
^^-^
= A
^A
only r^for e
>J^ Icxju
v^)e 001
= A
only diff. posit.
7:8
^^?
r-^"^
missing
^^^
l:^?o
= A
\^y^^
s-j^? U^Pe
s-i^?^iDO
(nl^
01^ s^lai:iO
rest = P
8:8
om.
?n>iSo
= A
= P
9:28
= P
missing
r^l?
\Af^h
9:29
>^lo^
^oaI^ )o<nJ
= P
missing
10:27
Wr2-1?
= A
Ur^l?
missing
>^oio|^o1
= A
^0^1
\'r^oil£>
= A
Utnolfi
1 1 : 28-
30 o-i
= A
o4
= A
om.
^cti^
= P
= P
om.
= A
= A-
I^^P-^
missing
= A
-^^?1hJ
-H^
= P
= P
%4^? MJ-)
H^-r-^f
= P
= P
o« S..^
yiifnno
>A<n "Vt iSn
= P
om. >^oi
=Ss
2:36
tli^
= A
1^:^4^
= A
vOr^P?
= A
^nSSvi?
= A
^nSrj
^o!;:^^
iifl^A^
^a^b£J
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Collation of Sybiao Gk>SFBL Texts
113
Matthbw
A
P
St
Sc
12:36
iifl^A^
^o!;:^^
12:40
)o<n9 ^j
1o«?r^U^l
= p
^di^i^ 'f£> ^0^
^^
^^^^
\^i^\
= A
^o!^^
= A
I^aI^^
= A
14:31
).^bu:A^ ^
= A
= A
^Ai^^
15:11
P J-Uj-ai^
= P
= P
U^'r^^
liJi.n\ (jil^
=Ss
also = Ss, Sc
i^QA ^ OiTiO
om. oO^
= P
= P
(nl^
= P
= P
15:17
)£b^i^? Vj^
09I /
= P
= P
^n
^?i-LiB
1?*-^
= P
= P
15:19
esi l-iSn?
= P
= P
^*o«
^1t^
= P
= P
^«,^(«
O'WV.?
= P
liJ^lte Pe
om.
om.
om.
17:19
^?
= A
olj?
exn ^j
leeiZ
= A
.^001 M
Icxn^?
»f-
om.
om.
= A
^e^leU
= A
T*? v'^l
= A
U^?
= A
PM?
U^?
om.
Ue
= A
U^ai ^
om.
om.
om.
18:3
Ui^,^-^.^!
UU^
= P ^ y- >k1
UiAM^ KniSViS
= P
= P
18:10
f^
r-'^
= A
= A
om.
om.
= A
om.
om.
= A
Ci^^fM
= A
>^oia«)
= A
om.
i-^ifl-JD?
= P(A)
= PfA)
but also = P, Ss, Sc
Digitized by
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114
Hebbaioa
Matthsw
A
p
Ss
Sc
18:14
KW)»
U^^M fl
= A
= A
W
^oaosl >CpO
-«1
^ososV
18:15
s^l
= A
%«anJ
= A
om.
N
= A
= A
om.
= A
= P
s^Z ^©
= P
= P
om.
= A
'^?
= A
18:16
om.
^
= P
= P
om.
= A
%de^
=Ss
T*^?
>oa« Sj^?
= P
= P
e
o1
= A
= A
18:17
P^J^«i.^1o
= S8
1.^^
= A
l^^i^la^
= A
1o^
= A, but om.
1 i«*N<w<^
Ul^ ^]o
t
= A
18:20
i4
r-^^--1
i^^^
= P
)&::w£e
l^v^ol
= p
= P
^OOl^XbA PI ^JL
= A
'^ W fl?
= A
18:21
om.
= A
= A
,^
^.a^l SSL^
= P
11
A W r^lfl
= A
p«:^^1
= A
= A
%i.
'^li^r^^
= A
= A
18:35
)31
»\'
= A
= A
19:28
T«r^
v^"^^
= A
= A
21:38
1^
= A
l^r-
«^
21:43
w£0i^9
r^?]
= A
= P
1^
l^u!
21:44
)^)^ wn
l?« Ul^i
= A
i^Z^
u^^^
omits this
except
%^Z >^01? %.»©
VdZ >^9 ^ %^e
verse
%-a^? for
^^010^99^^
%-a^ y^my
22:27
l^:iJl 1«?
ZL^^ ^oaC^j
= P]
^(n2^9 .^001
1^:^! v^l
Digitized by
)^:£Jl>^ (nib
Google
COLTiATION OP StBIAO GoSPBL TbXTS
115
p
Ss
Sc
22
-.27 ]L^Lo ^in^
C/^ Ss, Sc, vs. 30
missing
= P
om.
%-^
missing
= P
om.
= A
1^1
=Ss
-^
om.
= A
= A
22
:29 Pe
fl?
= A
= A
Po
= A
= A
M
22
:30 ofli^j i^^^^^l
r^l^^f
=Ss
1^-^?
)tj;:i0
»1H-X
om.
= P
= A
Usio
U^l
= P
= P
UiJ ,i-MD<ji Vfa^
1|^£L^ ,-.©« UJ
= P
= P
om.
om.
om.
^■--^iV) P
t^l? v^io
^v\
missing
= P
l«i2^?
U^^}
^©<5WM
om.
om.
om.
22
:3i ^oiocLQj?
1^?
= P
ojn.
om.
om.
i^ltf ^
1^ r^l? )
=Ss
= P
= P
^ *v>nSi^ 0101^
= P
= P
loo, P l^Llk. ho
loo, u" i«:^o )
= A
= A
H^vo.^
^^» m
= P
= P
«:^^aJl^^
23:
15 T^^r-?
^^jaiie
= P
= P
23:
^oM ,^**^,
= P
missing
VaTi^^o
lias)?o
= A
^©M v's^'fiv^
<;/; first line
o^^o
^?-T-
= A
Pa:s^)
= P
Digitized by
Google
116
Hbbbaioa
Matthbw
A
p
Ss
Sc
23:25,27
Ir^an!^
= p
om.
= A
^)a.«^
om.
= A
but om.
missing
'^^f— ^
Vr^A^
^^^
^?^T^
= A
24:20
-^^
= A
missing
)£uajLSo
= P
25:34
^ 1 4^1 n ^L0
missing
missing
25:35
missing
missing
Ut^^
= P
25:37
<^
V^
= P
= P
25:40
^^7
U«?
missing
M»r^?
l^oi.1
^^^
>«^ ^
>a^9
om.
om.
25:41
om.
ti^:^.
= P
Ij-^W*.? >^
|n>^V>> y^m
= A
Uh^^P
= P
251:44
^^ ^AiDl
-^1 vr2-
= P
25:45
P? GHJI
P? U«?
OOI?
missing
,^^ ^ ^ ,^^^y-J^,
\^\
\^\
^2^,
om.
om.
26:53
U^?
0I
= P
missing
W l:^ ^1?
1:^1? M
= P
^1 ^
= A
^1^
^llie^ U^
^ >a^^AJIe
^ %£Je
^
%d0i^ P )iViA>
= P
but om. \,Am
Digitized by CjOOQIC
Collation ov Stbiao Gx)spbl Texts
117
Matihsw
A
p
Ss
Sc
28:19
missing
missing
28:20
om.
om.
but also :
to*
missing
missing
Mamc
A
P
Ss
Sc
5:41
U^U^
U^
missing
missing
9:24
^^
om.
= A
missing
missing
16:16
,j^a^aC«»U-1
om. this
missing
^^ U^ flA^
U^oU« jiti>e
conclusion
of Mark
^?.i^
16: 17
\o<nZ M 1?<"
^i\^4
omits
missing
^.1Vi>nCio?^^^.^P
= A
= A + ^
om.
^-i^
= A
^oooU \^
\^ .iVtn
^o^
^onmaM
\2^:^y
.OCKJO .©(JUkj-^lo
vo«-H^
= P. but
position of
words is
different
LUKB
A
p
Ss
Sc
1:13
= A
\:^'r^h
missing
]<n2^^fX^
om.
1:30
1(JL^ ^^
)0i3^ ^n^
missing
missing
1:48
)nf>nV>^
= A
missing
2:4
>Q.*^^0O ^AI0Q^9|
= W-H
= A
missing
|.^099 0l£bi^a ^^ )
Digitized by
Google
118
Hbbbaioa
LUKB
A
P
Ss
Sc
2:14
]l^Q^^Z
l^on^
missing
U^)U> )A^aA^^
5oo^|«iJI
>oe^;Ua£> loi^
Ua^^i:^^ VLo
U^)U> >al^A<>
UJl
i^ )H=^o
but also :
\aCJf )£yi»aA^Z
>ai^ =
in P nor Ss
U^^Ijd from Ss
U4 1h=^ i
from P
3:8
UV*,^.:^^
= A Ul^ ,^^-.ii^ ^? :
=Ss except
\l£i >a^bAJI
>D0li^|3
>o<nr£>|3
(=A.P)
6:24
QlMO^
= A
missing
om.
^«''Ufi
6:30
.^1 Sj:ia. ^
Vq^^^
missing
6:45
but also = P
JiZo^ ^
= P
missing
i^y
r^U^
= P
= A
7:14
U^-^i
= P
>OQbO
>D(a^ W ^1 ^ 1
missing
8:52
OOl^yiO
..aio?
= P
= A
l^y
the same in the
in Matt. 9 : 24
missing in
parallel Matt. 9 : 24
= A
Matt.
9:59.
60 ^^q!^ UIo
om.
om.
We
10:19
2yd<n^
W s^ai^
UA<n^
= P
v«^-^?^
^L^o<n9
= P
= P
12:191
ZZilli^ >ai^l«?
}^ 1«?
T^g^Tr^-^i^ 14^^
I4i^ \^
,4^
=Ss
,^ia^
y*a^ ^Nn>g
>iSnn)o
^.v^l
=Ss
om.
v«£bA.|
= P
= P
l^fl?
Ll^kl^ ^aXO^
= P
= P
1«
om.
= P
= A
Digitized by CjOOQIC
Collation
OP Sybiao Gospel Texts
119
Luke A
p
12:19 ysfi^ )J01
^^0
]ocO
^«u
12:21 ^9019
001 Uaoi
14:11 >Ob*^Z2J9(^)S^
r^yo^'^^S^
^£J9 S^e
OLASJ .fi^^ \^0
14:12 ^.kLUt]}
\:^
0] l^r^
= A
Ir^^
1^ IcxnZ
^f^^^A
;*Vii>^
,^^j^U ol
o| >^1 Us|
>f*-
J*^***l
r^
U^lo
flo
= A
^
Vr^i^
= A
fl?
U^?
P«
= A
14:13 >^^^^]
I:-
om.
)lr)Q^
li.
= A
Ua^?ot:^
r
]n»^m
If,
^o«:^ A^, ,^,,v^Uo
l^^^9
u
1K»
14:14 looUo
r^looU
U->1>o:^
1^?1?
15:7 s^oLJy
-f^U?
^ r-^
S^ol
16:9 poi
= A
v'-^
16:14 position of phrases
= A
di
16:20 01^^^%^
(n:».9Z ^f^
looi «_^
om.
N.JJ9 :fOfi>c ^
1^^^)
T*^?)
leoi
Digitized by
Google
120
Hbbbaioa
LmcB A
p
Sc
Sc
16:21 om.
^im
^1o
= p
16 : 22 \o<ny
^? ICXJI
fooio
missing
16:23 )o<n ik>k)
= A,bmom.1o0i
missing
= P
1^^ eoi
U^b^
16:24 yo^^
y^^A
= P
missing
^^^ I4J?
^^'^afijj?
^^ Vo^?
>^^s4f2o
= P
P^^ ,jUl1^
^ ^^CLoJe
s^4 W ^b
^o^
rest = P
16:25 Wi2^
r^?4
= P
missing
= A
>-m] Zoaoio
s.^
om.
om.
^jUiDO^
)<n Uoie
U^hat U^o
OiTtf i&yblkJD
)^^(n ^ inV^V
^ J^Po
uiAA^^i^ Mo i
U)^JB^22Lk:i»ohJ\o.
)^.^9 VilZaO
,^^>a:^
\ ^
i^iii^ M Wd^
\Zom ^iffiSn
,a^
\ -'
„^^?,-.l^ir
1 r^
Mo ^.iol^ 14i^
.©H^? ia^
' except Va^
after inst. of
' before ^^^0^9
and ^;
^Z ^ Us|o
^-iol^ ^onalJ
for ^
19:8 .^vi^^^S^o
= A
= A
^a:^9
lo^ f^U:^
W V* v^^i^
=Ss
19:9 ^ iO^
= A
= A
20:35 t:*^!?
^?<^«
^?T^«
=Ss
om.
= A
= A
lA^^^a^^ >A0U^
)£,:,A^,A^
= A
= A
om.
= P
Digitized by
Google
CouuTioN OF Stbiao Qosfel Tbxts
121
LUKB A
20:35 Tr^<" Ir^^^ W
20:36 A^lQ^Alb^ Ml^
cm.
cm.
20:38 ^o<si^} \4:»o
21:23 l^J
001
23 : 43 ^*2aL )A^q^;
(twice) ^^ M^n
Sc
= P
=Ss
=Ss
= S8
cm. UlA ^1 V^U^ 1n^? U^A
.OOLaA^I )2^2rfaA£9 )2^2rfaA£9 )^Aa
o«:;^ = P = P
IcxjU = P = P
JJoi = P = P
= A = A ^*:ioik9 \r»oQ^
\m^}'fM£i = P = A
^^\^
JOHM A
1 : 5 (twice) ]om ^oO^
1:14 (twice) .^001 )i^
1:51 f£>
2: 19 p0i Waaoi
3:12,^^1%^^^^
3:13
3:34
^P1
also lo]
p
^4
Ss
missing
missing
missing
missing
= P
missing
= A
Vr^Jr^l
ohoLtt
om.
in the posi-
Sc
= A
= A
missing
missing
missing
missing
= S8
m
= A
V »^' ''^^ the suff. of
.aJalifl^^ the last word
= P
= P
= P
= A
= A
= A
missing
Digitized by
Google
122
Hebbaioa
John A P Ss Sc
3 : 35 oi^M^ 0i|ia^ > n^V missing yo^^
\a yQ^Jk>]o s.d0l^ >0f^ %.so Vd >^olao = P
This variation in A is due to the verse in Matt. 2i:2y, which he
quotes immediately following this.
5:22
la] r^]c^ P )
= Sc
= A
= A
only adding
= A
5:25
w^?
u^?
missing
= P
\i:ac ^1»
I^j;^^ ^,£j^|
= A
M? «r«»
)(5i^> (3li^>
= P
5:28,
29 ^a-te
%«-*
missing
= A
^o<ji-»a*^
om.
om.
6:55
r^
= A
^o«
alio
-iVr^
-iV
= p
= P
^j^
^j^.
= p
= P
6:59
u.
M
= A
= P
7:37
[twice) 1ai^» %s»
K ^' v«
K?^
=Ss
10:9
]3Lif aiUiZ
i:^^^
= A
missing
%li.j "Vrf •»«
.^1 ^ ^0
S^ >Aee
U)
M %q:^
U^ %q:^9
10: II
oOIk ^ V^k
= A
missing
10: 12
U't
om.
om.
missing
U:^
Wi^
missing
missing
U:^ 01^
\^
= A
missing
10:16
om.
^1 ^?
= A
missing
U:^
om.
om.
10:17
= A
missing
JOi, ti.1 %i. W
= P
missing
10 : 30 <
twice) ^1«
= A
^a^,
missing
11:23
skso^) Joaol
(
missing
except >^^
missing
II :26
om.
w
= A
missing
12:26
i4
^)
= A
Digitized by
missing
Google
1
1
Collation of Stbiao Gosfbl Tbxts
123
JOHH
A
P
Ss
Sc
12:35
,a^
= P
missing
^i^jH^
Vs«dk^ P?
^««V 13?
missing
)iSa^^ .aa^
<^V
VfiOUbM
missing
13:8
PI
M
= A
missing
13:9
om.
uu
= A
jO^J;^ ,^
= A
-1
= A
^1o
13:10
^
OOI
= A
001
om.
= A
13:12
r^
T*?r»
^? . . . r*
v«**H'
= p
^^^J
Va^
= A
^oM ^r^ 1«
^Ll] ^r^ ^oM
= A
13:14
%.^S01
= A
om.
^r^ ^oaoJ
^aasie .n^ijV
= A
= A
,j^W
^<«:».fl«
= A
missing
•oeoi^ ^f^)?
= A
but v^lj for ^
^0001^9
missing
13:34
q^lmJL'^
missing
14:2
]^^4
Pol
= A
missing
14:3 (twice) U]
\^\
= A
missing
^\
s^)e >A£b^)
= A
14:23
,a-Jl^
= A
= A
WW
r*V^
= A
r^
f^'
14:27
>a^9
om.
om.
om.
15:12
0:^0^9
^OA^^
- P
missing
(several times)
19:36
missing
missing
20:13
^^
.^2^
= P
missing
U^
V^^l
= P
missing
^xna^Ae)
= P
missing
Digitized by
Google
atontriiiute)! Notes*
MUHAMMEDS LEHEE VON DEB OFFENBABUNG.
A FINAL BEPLT.
In consequence of Dr. Pautz' Enoiderung^ in the last number of this
JouBNAL and of a letter from him dated October 2, 1899, it falls to me to
withdraw at once and fully my inference that he is a pastor and preacher.
But I cannot at the same time withdraw my reflections on Dr. Pautz*
style which were the basis of that inference, and I am thus left with an
unsolved problem on my hands.
Further comment does not seem to be required by Dr. Pautz* com-
munication. Those who have any acquaintance with the subject — a
somewhat out of the way one — will understand the situation, and those
who have not, and who may be impressed by Dr. Pautz* cloud of wit-
nesses, will find my position amply justified in the review of the book
in Achelis* Archiv fUr Religionswissenschaft, Vol. II, pp. 186-95, by
Professor Goldziher, of Budapest, who is easily the first authority on the
subject. I learned of that review from Dr. Pautz himself after my own
was written and sent off. Duncan B. Maodonald.
Habtfobd Thbolooical Sbmimabt,
Hartford, Conn.
1 See thiB Joubmal, Vol. XVI, No. 1, pp. 5^, October, 1899.
124
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ii
ISooit Notices.
PAYNE SMITH'S COMPENDIOUS SYRIAC DICTIONABY.'
The only statement as to the purpose or plan of this book is that
made on the title page, since no preface, nor introduction, appears in
either part. The first point to be noticed is that words are placed alpha-
betically and not under roots. This method has certain advantages in a
language embracing so many foreign words as the Syriac does, and also
in the case of words of doubtful origin.^' Its chief disadvantages arise,
first, from the fact that many words have two or more spellings; and,
secondly, from difficulties about such forms as are both participle and
adjective or noim. We notice that the Aphels of Pe Olaph, Pe Yudh,
Pe Nun, and EE verbs are usally given. Of Pe Nim verbs, the Aphels
of ^oU, VmJ, and y-a^ml with unassimilated Nun,andof |^, N-aJ, |^,
%^^ , v^MsJ , and \^ , with assimilated Nun, are omitted. So also are
the Pe Yudh Aphels w^) , uiAo) , and >oM y and the Pe Olaph Aphel
^^ioj . The Aphels of all E Wau verbs are omitted, though given in the
The%aurui, It might have been just as well to have omitted all the
Aphel stems from a dictionary.
In order to compensate for not having put derivatives under their
roots, a list of derivatives is given at the end of each verb or original
noun. But sometimes the derivatives are not all given, e. gr., under ^^
we find neither \m.*XL nor )^Je^ ; under M , neither \Za^ , j * • w) ,
Utfo) , )/nliWJ^ , nor jVnl>m)^^ ; under \a\ , neither | > •] , \h^ , nor
)£b«^i^ . Sometimes no derivatives are given, e. gr., under >.a!^ and lH •
We note that, while the meaning of phrases is frequently given, no
references are found. In giving meanings to words or phrases of infre-
quent occurrence it would be well to cite the place where they occur, 6. gf.,
we would like to know where >^1 occurs alone in the sense of ''jackal."
lA CoKPBKDions Stuao DionoNAST, founded upon the TKeMurui 8yriacu» of B.
Payne Smith, D.D. Edited by J. Payne Smith. Parts I and II; 272 pp. Oxford: At the
Clarendon Prem ; New York : Frowde, 1896 and 1S86. Each part 8b. ed.. net.
9 See remark by Siegfried as giTen in the prospectus to A Conciee Dictionary of tKe
'Amyrian Language,
>The author might haye taken adyantage of the alphabetical plan when treating
*^) , |A^ , and >.ma| . Brockelmann giyee a root ^.jkL^) for the two former, but here
we are told that • ^-^^ is from v-ao^ and \al^ from ^.jk^. A form like • ^-^^ from an
p r r
B Wau root is without analogy. \^ from ^.jk^ might be Justified by \b^A (see Noldeke,
rr ' r y
127). >.MAf is attributed to a supposititious root >.ma instead of to • -"^^ , as Noldeke
suggests (see g 106).
125
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126 Hebbaioa
The Arabic singular is ^^1 ^1 , plural ^ll \^}J^, . The Sjriac plural
is ^ Ma . The Thesaurus and Brockelmann give no instance of the
employment of the singular in Sjriac literature. After the analogy of
the Arabic and of such Syriac constructions as ]yQ2 |a ^^ nettle/' Lis
Ul^ "birds," and l^oJ |a "attendant/' the singular should be s^l i^.
Often the abridgment omits meanings which should be given, e. g., for
the following Syriac words, among others, the English meanings follow-
ing are left out : ^1 "to supply" and "to hide/' Plool "sarcophagus/'
]t^] "heaps of straw, ornaments," ]f^] "holding back, laying hold of,
capture/' Moal "lasanum," go n i tij "attack," l-l-e) "gem" and
"column," JJL:».*aio "lorica."
But the most serious criticism that one can make arises from the vast
number of words that have been left out entirely. We would scarcely
expect to find the numerous foreign proper names, nor in fact all of the
foreign words, especially those which occur but seldom ; but it will be
found that hundreds of genuine Syriac words, some of them of not
infrequent occurrence, are omitted altogether. Especially is it to be
regretted that so many words occurring in the versions of the Bible are
omitted. Lest we be considered unjust, we shall state the words derived
from certain roots beginning with Olaph, which we have sought and not
found. Under Jx)] , i^ , Uxs] , ^z] , and V^^l ; under >e9l , M^] ,
Vai^io^l , 1^1^91 ; under UA , IZaJZo^] , s^jz] ; under ^aa] , Uso] , iJAbSQ^) ,
\lAso] , ]asu] ; under 1<3iX , ]Jo(nX , ]j0uk , IjZsl^ , |JqiS|v ; under
5:k,l^^,lZa.5^,U5^,1^,l^,^^; under H^MZo^i^l,
l^o) , Izo^o] , )^9Qio) ; under s^ , \b^ ; under l^a] , U^] ; under M ,
IT
^ , ]^^] , ]jU4^ * Of words omitted which are found in the versions
of the Bible the following are the examples under Olaph: )Zai^.^),
UJl-J^I, ^a-.iaa^l, w»M, ,—^1, i-^aau], >-aWW, ^J-^l, i-Joomsl,
U^-^, ^oi4^a^, -'ia^, Ur^], li^-Jl, uoQ^tn» p > ^ l], U^], ^a-.aa3l,
)^, ijinl], w»nifn«il], o»a4>1inl], ]hr\ n l], ai£9M> Ig * wj, Ij i m ^ w] ,
l^^Iasi^^tfl , Ur=^\y |M i \rnm ], Ip^i^iaa], Zoia^^ljal, UhLa], .-ai.], JZL^I,
}^if»)V, n^n>q], t mnt?QJi], o-^ao], ).^2^jNa), 000^], ^imn^Tnoa], £^aa).
All of the above words are found in Brockelmann's Leodcon Syriacum
under Olaph ; and in addition several hundred more words, mostly of
Greek origin, which are not to be found in Smith's Compendium, On
the other hand, it is no more than just to say that the Compendium has
about seventy words under Olaph which are not given in Brockelmann.
It may be hypercritical to refer to such matters as the spelling of
Greek words in Syriac. We mention merely the following inconsist-
encies. The different spellings of a word are sometimes given under one
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Book Notices 127
word only, as in \»oi i> • s] ; sometimes we have two spellings given each
by itself without any reference to the fact that the other spelling occurs,
6. g,, ^ miWii noa] and ^ miWjnflt ; sometimes two or more spellings are
given, as in vJdoI^ao) and \^^o1 , while again only one is given, although
more are found, as in U^J^] . It must be admitted, however, that it is
too much to expect that we shall have a complete collection of variant
spellings even in a thesaurus, much less in a compendium.
R. D. Wilson.
WbSTEBN THBOLOOICAIi SBMINAST,
Allegheny, Pa.
BUCHHOLTZ ON THE JEWS IN RIGA.'
This monograph covers the period from 1560 to 1842 A. D., during
which Riga, the capital of Livonia, one of the Baltic provinces, thrice
changed its rulers. It was first conquered by Poland ; then, in 1621, by
Sweden, and since 1710 forms part of the Russian empire.
The first mention of Jews in the documents of Livonia occurs in 1560,
when, in the negotiations between Livonia and Poland, the former asks
for a guarantee against the admission of Jews, and the narrative treats
almost exclusively of the struggles of the Jews to gain a foothold in
Riga and the counter-efforts of the municipal authorities to keep them
out. The general government, with the exception of the Swedish, was
as a rule more liberal-minded. The Swedes, with whom the conversion
of the Jews was a part of their ecclesiastical ordinances, which they
extended to Livonia, were averse to tolerating the Jews either in their
native country or in the conquered provinces. Yet economical considera-
tions proved stronger than sentiment. The Jews were needed for the
large commercial life of the city, especially as the middlemen in the trade
with Poland and Lithuania. They, therefore, were suffered to sojourn
annually for a brief time in Riga, but under severe restrictions. They
were allowed to carry on trade only with citizens, not with strangers.
They were prohibited from remaining over night within the city walls,
and compelled to live in a Jew inn ("Judenherberge") in a suburb.
This Jew inn was a ghetto of the worst character. It was under the
management of a Christian "father" ("Herberge-Vater"), who controlled
all the movements of his wards, and even those that preferred to camp
among their wares in the port had to pay a tithe to the "father," who in
turn paid a considerable amount to the city for this privilege.
Under the progressive and politic Catherine II. (1762-96) the Jews
obtained a kind of legal status, being licensed to sojourn annually during
six weeks in Riga, living in the Jew inn, and to carry on trade, while
formerly they were entirely at the mercy of the municipal authorities.
The latter remained hostile to the Jews, and their petition to the city
1 0E8CHIOHTB DES JUDEN IN RlGA BIS ZX7B BBGBONDUNa DEB BlOISOHXN HXBBABB-
GBMEiNDa IM J. 1842. Von Anton Bnchholte. Riga: N. Kymmel, 1889. iv + 161 pp.; 8vo.
M. 3.eo.
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128 Hebbaioa
council, on the occasion of the centennial celebration of the union of
Livonia with Russia in 1810, to "allow them every permissible living
under the same conditions as other citizens, and to teach their sons
skilled trades" — a petition accompanied by a touching poetic appeal —
fell on deaf ears.
In 1765 we hear for the first time of something like a congregational
organization among the Jews of Riga. The services were held in a room
of the '^inn," set aside for this purpose. As late as 1814 a petition of the
Jews for permission to own a synagogue was refused by the authorities
on the ground that such a permission ''would indirectly involve the
acquiescence to a permanent residence of the Jews." It was as late as
1850 that the general government, against the protest of the council of
Riga and the governor of Livonia, allowed the Jews to establish a
house of worship in a suburb of Riga. At that time 605 members were
enrolled in the Jewish congregation of Riga.
Since then the Jews have been allowed to live everywhere in Riga.
Their number at present is estimated at about 80,000, out of a population
of about 257,000, and they enjoy the possession of three synagogues, nine
meeting-houses, and six schools. i. M. Casanowioz.
National Mubsum,
Waflhington, D. C.
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THE AMERICAN JOURNAL
OF
SEMITIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES
(CONTINUING "HEBRAICA")
VoLum XVI APRIL, 1900 Numbbb 8
THE DOCTRINE OP FREEDOM IN THE ?0RAN.
By Walter M. Patton, Ph.D.,
Instmotor in Semitic Langaages, Yale Uniyeraitsr, New Haren, Conn.
It is correctly supposed that Islftm teaches today the doctrine
of a predestinating sovereignty in God. In Mohammedan the-
ology the doctrine is called at-taqdlr, and it implies that "what-
ever has or shall come to pass in this world, good or bad, proceeds
entirely from the divine will, and has been irrevocably fixed and
recorded on a preserved tablet by the pen of Pate." * I quote a more
formal statement of the tenet from a small Turkish catechism :'
One must further confess that good, evil — in fact, everything —
happens as a result of the predestination and foreordination of God.
That everything which has been and everything which will be is decreed
in eternity and is written on the preserved tablet [of the divine decrees].
That nothing can be different. That the faith of the believer, the piety of
the pious, and his good works are foreseen, willed, predestinated, decreed
by writing on the preserved tablet — produced, approved, desired of God ;
but the unbelief of unbelievers, the impiety of the impious, and all bad
actions, though they occur with the foreknowledge of God, by his will,
as the effect of his predestination recorded on the preserved tablet, and
are due to his operation, yet have not his approval or satisfaction.
In the same work, in the article on God, we find the same
belief expressed, and an objection to it met as follows : '
If anyone ask why God did not will that all men should be believers,
but that some should be unbelievers, here is the answer: One must not
1 Hughes, DicHonary of Itlam^ art. Predestination.
2 Expotition de la Foi MuatUmane^ traduite da Tore de Mohammed ben Pir-Ali el-
Berkherl, arec des notes par If. Oardn de Tassy, pp. 21 89.
> El-BerkheTl, pp. itq.
129
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180 Hebbaioa
inquire as to anything that G-od wishes or does ; to himself alone belong
such questions. He is perfectly free to wish and do what he pleases.
Further, in what he wills and what he does, he has conceptions of use-
fulness and wisdom which are beyond the understanding of the children
of Adam. In creating unbelieyers and in willing that they should be
unbelievers, in forming serpents, scorpions, and swine ; indeed, in willing
every evil thing, God has conceptions of wisdom and usefulness which it
is not necessary for us to understand, but of which it is necessary that
we be persuaded. Finally, one must confess that the will of God is
eternal and is not posterior to his essence.
The doctrine of predestination in this rigid form has been the
undisputed faith of the Muslim world, as far as orthodox Islftm is
concerned, for 1100 years. Disputes as to the question began
very soon after the death of the Prophet (682 A. D.), but no
intense interest in the subject was aroused until the Abbaside
caliphs came to power in 750 A. D. Under the fifth ruler of that
dynasty, the famous Hftrtln ar-Rasld (786-809 A. D.), Greek
philosophy made its influence felt, especially that of Aristotle.
The Aristotelian and neo-Platonic view of nature as a living whole
was not favorable to an extreme view of the causal agency of God
in the universe,^ and there began to appear here and there those
who asserted a doctrine of predestination which preserved to men
their freedom of choice. The whole inlfluence of this Arabic
renaissance under the first Abbasides was in favor of free thought
and, naturally, led the boldest spirits to protest against the domi-
nation of authority in matters of faith, and to call in question
the dogmas of the traditional theology of their time. At the
outset the orthodox doctors, in a grieved way, opposed the new
views in lectures and writings, but were not greatly alarmed.
But when the brilliant al-Ma'mtln came to be caliph, things were
soon changed. He gave his open patronage and vigorous assist-
ance to the new learning and encouraged strongly the protest
against traditionalism, going even the length of a hot persecution
of the orthodox doctors.* The most intense opposition was made
to the new liberalizing tendency under the leadership of the great
doctor and saint A^med ibn Qanbal, founder of the strictest of
the four orthodox schools of Islftm. Principally owing to the
stand taken by him and his following, the tide turned, and in
847 A. D., after the persecution of the orthodox had continued
4 Windelband, Hittory of Philotophy, English translatioii, p. 817.
&The particulars wiU be found in the present writer's ^^iiiad <6n ^anbal and the
Mifkna. [See this Joubmal, VoL XTV, pp. 200 sgg.— Editobs.]
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The Dootbine of Freedom in the EobAn 131
somewhat over sixteen years, al-Mutawakkil became caliph and
cast his influence on the side of the traditional faith. In this
controversy the liberals were called the Mu^tazilites or Mutakal-
lims, while the orthodox were the people of the Sunna, or tradition,
and of the Jama^a, or orthodox communion.
The direct issues between the two parties were the questions
of the divine attributes and the origin of the ^orftn, but what
ruled the conclusions reached by the respective parties on these
points was the view taken with respect to the sovereignty of God
and the freedom of the human will. The triumph of the Sunnls
meant that Mohammedanism for all time to come was to be a
predestinarian faith. The complete overthrow of the Mu'tazilites
was, however, delayed for some time, and was finally accomplished
only when one of their most famous theologians, Abu-'l-!5asan
al-Asharl (died 941 A. D.), deserted their cause and threw his
whole influence on the other side." About this time the name
Mutakallims was transferred from the Mu^tazilites to the orthodox
apologists, who now set themselves to apply the logic of Aristotle
in the defense of traditional theology. The word Mutakallim
means one skilled in the science and art of Kal&m, or logic.
These men devoted themselves with vehement zeal to produce a
philosophical account of their Mohammedan faith, and have given
us, as a result, the only original philosophical system produced
by the Arab mind. Their works never became known in Europe
when Arab learning spread there in the scholastic period. The
Jews, who were the mediators of the Arabic learning, translated
into their own Hebrew the purely philosophical works which the
Arabs had either translated from other tongues into their own or
had worked up from the materials furnished by the translations.
From that portion of the Arab philosophical literature which had
a theological motive the Jews could get no advantage, and they,
therefore, did not translate it. Hence it is that the Latin trans-
lations of the Hebrew works of the Jews contain nothing of the
original productions of the Arab philosophic genius.' It is inter-
esting to remark that this new scholastic theology of Islftm was
geographically nearer to the seats of revived learning in Europe
than it was to the original centers of Mohammedan learning in
Asia. Moorish Spain was the most orthodox of all Mohammedan
A Dosy, Hti ItiUmiame^ ^* drak, pp. 164 tqq,
7 SchmOldera, J^coIm phiU)9ophique9 des Arabf^ pp. lOA 9qq,
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182 Hbbbaioa
countries, as well as the most brilliant intellectual domain of the
Muslims. Dozy in his work on Isl&m quotes the shocked saying
of a Spanish theologian who had been twice to Bagdad, and who
declared that he would never return there, because of the loose-
ness in views which was there prevalent."
It should be stated that the sources of dogma for the Muta-
kallims were as follows : the Koran, the traditions of the prophet
which were recognized as genuine, the consensus of usage and
opinion among the faithful, and, in cases of necessity only, ana-
logical argument in harmony with the three recognized criteria
already named.*
We will discuss later the teachings of the ^orftn as to the
doctrine of predestination, and will now content ourselves with
mentioning the basis found in tradition for the predestinarian
teaching of the orthodox teachers. One tradition declares that
those who are predestinated to paradise deserve it by their deeds
till they die, and in like manner with those predestinated to hell.
Another tradition tells us that God hath preordained five things
on his servants: the duration of their life, their actions, their
dwelling-places, their travels, and their portions (in the world
to come).'* Building on these recognized foundations, the Muta-
kallims then taught :
That human actions are but divine actions crei^ted by the power of
Gk>d and distributed to men. In accomplishing any undertaking or
executing any labor man is only following the divine will of which he is
always but the blind instrument. All that is witnessed in the world of
actual piety and impiety is willed by God. He knows the man who is to
die in impiety and unbelief, and cannot visit such with any retribution,
for, in that case, it would be necessary that the divine knowledge should
have changed, and that could not be. From all this it follows that good
and evil do not exist in relation to God, but solely in human relations.
God is the absolute sovereign ; he does what he wills to do ; he chooses
as it may please him, without being determined by any cause whatsoever.
Evil in relation to us is that which is forbidden by the law ; good is that
which is commanded. Good and evil are the attributes of the real and
the non-real ; of that which is beneficial or prejudicial to nature. But,
as we have seen, man has no choice in his actions ; it does not depend on
him that he should eschew the evil, even though he is to be punished for
it in the world to come. God to be perfect must have need of nothing.
It is, therefore, wrong to claim with the Mu'tazilites that God ought to
8 Dozy, Itlamigme^ pp. 226 «q.
9 AJimed ibn ^anbal and the Mif^na, p. 190.
10 Hughes, Dictionary ofUlam, art. Predestination.
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The Dootbine of Fbebdom in the EobAn IS 3
compel men to be obedient to him. The divine actions are not the effects
of any design whatever; God would have defect in his nature if he were
to act following an impulsion, or allowed himself to be led in his working
by or for anything outside of himself. Hence it is wrong to speak of
God's design to make men good, perfect, etc. As far as God is concerned,
perfection and imperfection are the same thing,.and are regarded, there-
fore, indifferently. If that were not so, perfection in men would add to
the blessedness of God, which is impossible."
It will be easily understood that with such a view of God's
sovereignty a science of ethics would be logically impossible in
the orthodoxy of Islftm ; and, in fact, orthodox Islftm has no moral
philosophy. It knows "law" as found in or developed from the
]^orftn, and knows nothing further ; unless, perhaps, we except a
few purely theoretical attempts at ethical discussion, whose authors
felt that what they said or wrote was entirely superfluous as far as
practice was concerned."
I have spoken of the good and the evil as being indifferent to
God because of the absence of design in the divine mind and
because of the immutability of the divine perfection. In har-
mony with what has been said on this point is the theory of the
origin of moral creatures in the universe which was held by many
of the Mutakallims. God does not create. The highest intelli-
gences are emanations from his essence ; from these come lower
intelligences, and from these yet lower, until what we call evil
spirits are reached."
Al-Ashari has been spoken of as having secured, by his deser-
tion of Jdu^tazilism, the ascendency of the predestinarian ortho-
doxy, and yet his view of divine sovereignty was not quite that
of the majority of the Mutakallims. They held not only to the
divine predestination, but to an irresistible constraint exercised
upon men to secure its realization. The Asharites, on the other
hand, held that the predestined actions and character were the
result of the free choice of the individual agent, and that hereby
was established the responsibility of each man for what he did
and was.'^ The name Asharites is now applied to all the orthodox
theologians of Mohammedanism, but the true Asharites hold
the view just stated, and the others are more truly designated
Jabarites, or absolute predestinarians.^
II SehmOldera, pp. 188 tg. Cf, the view of al-Ghassalt in Ookley, History of Saracentt
Bohned., pp. 78«Q.
» SchmOlden, p. 189. i« Ibid,, p. 196 ; Hughes, art. Predeethiation.
u Ibid,, p. 182. u Haghee, art. Predestination.
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^^^J Hebbaioa
We have sought to set forth the views of the Mohammedan
>nfe8sion at the time when they had first reached their full
ievelopment, and in the opening of the present paper it was
shown that precisely the same views obtain today." There has
been no modification, no progress. Such is orthodox Isl&m in
respect to this doctrine and in respect to its theological system
generally. The lowest foundation of such a view of divine cau-
sality is the Semitic mental character ; and, of all Semites, none
has the same monotonous education as the Arab in fatalism or the
belief in the absolute foreordination of events. The broad desert,
with its limitless brown sand, and overhead the eternal regularity
of blazing sun and the cold uniformity* of the waxing and waning
moons ; the entire dependence of life on what nature provided
of pasture for the herd or of dates and hunting for man ; even
the dreaded night raid of some hostile clan — these and other
things were factors contributing to make a people, the dearest
name of whose faith is Islftm — '* resignation.''
The character made the theology; but it is to some extent true,
also, that the predestinarian theology of Islftm has deeply affected
the Mohammedan character. Gibbon was partly correct in
attributing the reckless bravery of the armies in the early
Moslem campaigns to the practical fatalism of their faith. He
but left out the factor of racial character. In my own mind there
is no doubt that this one doctrine of sovereignty has indirectly
led to an ultra-conservatism in theology generally, and has given
a definiteness and sanction to the whole religious system of
Mohammedanism, such as explains its hold upon all Muslims, and
that compelling appeal to ignorant races which has won them to
the faith of the Prophet. There is one God, the Almighty, the
Compeller. This religion is all his. Such a call has imperative
moral force and wins those who do not reflect.
The position of the Shiahs ought, however, to be explained at
this point. They contend that the Kor&n does not teach the
doctrine of absolute predestination, if fairly interpreted ; that it
formed no part of the belief of the Prophet or of his immediate
successors ; and that the caliph All declared that all who denied
free will were heretics." But it is necessary to state that all who
i« Of. Muir, Mahomet and lilam, p. 248.
17 Bosworth-Smith, MoKammed and MoKammedani$m, pp. 103, 165. Ameer Alt, in his
Ufe of Mohammed and Spirit of Jfiam, aaserts the same.
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The Dootbike of Fbeedom in the EobAn 135
favor this view in this day are strong supporters of the rights of
reason in theology. They are the spiritual successors of the old
Mu^tazilites, whose first principle was : In right and in fact our
intellectual notions of right and wrong, good and evil, are anterior
to religious dogma. The latter, in fact, cannot be true if it
contradict the principles of reason.
With such a starting-point these rational theologians would
have been compelled to throw over the Eor&n had it, in their
judgment, opposed free will. But both Mu^tazilite and modem *
Shiah think it possible to so understand the sacred book that a
system of theology entirely in accord with reason may be based
upon it. The independent- attitude of the MuHazila with reference
to the !^orftn is illustrated by their contention that the book was
the product of Mohammed's reflection and imagination, and not
divine in any way which implied departure from the course of
natural law. The production of another book equal or superior
to the Eor&n is quite conceivable, if we grant the possibility of
another man appearing with the gifts and elevated religious con-
sciousness of Mohammed.*^ This possibility the Mu^tazilite was
quite ready to admit. The attitude of these two opposed parties
in Islftm finds some analogy in the attitude of modem thinkers
toward the Bible. But such views have always been looked upon
as infidel by the orthodox, and the mutual hatred of the strict
Muslim of today and the Shiah is a matter of notoriety. Dr.
Snouck-Hurgronje relates that in the orthodox schools of Mekka
which he attended the Mu^tazilites were looked upon as stupid
blockheads and abominable heretics, because they held that reason
was the standard of truth. On one occasion he heard a professor
say that the ignorant heathen who argued with Mohanmied
believed, just as the philosophers did, "in human reason," at
which saying a smile of contemptuous astonishment passed over
the countenances of his students, the professor approving it by a
half -pitying shmg of the shoulders.*' Burton, in his Pilgrimage
to eUMedinah and Mecca^ has spoken of the contumely and per-
secution heaped upon the Persian Shiah pilgrims who come to
visit the holy cities — so greatly, in fact, do they thus suffer that
only a few of them ever make the Hajj.*^
isSchmOlder8,p.l96.
19 Snoaek-HargTonje, Mekkat VoL II, p. 267 and note.
30 Vide also Doiy, IiZam/«m«, pp. 296 «9g. ; Ookley, 8aracen$, Bohn ed., p. 884, note.
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136 Hbbbaioa
Having thus brought before as the respective views of freedom
held by these two divisions of Mohammedanism, we will now tnm
to the Korftn itself and see what it really teaches. Commentators
do not help ns greatly in this kind of stndy, and, naturally, we
must eschew the views of the dogmatists. The text of the ^orftn,
in an investigation of this kind, must be allowed to speak for
itself. It must be premised, however, that Mohammed was some-
times under the necessity of presenting his message in a form
which would commend itself to his hearers, with their innate dis-
position to exalt unduly the power and causal agency of Deity.
Further, Mohammed wrote nothing, and what he said by revela-
tion was not collected till after his death. The several circimi*
stances which his revelations were meant to meet were often
widely divergent, and even contradictory, in their character. Add
to these two considerations the third, that Mohammed was a man
of too limited logical faculty to perceive that different utteranoes
of his, if carried to their logical conclusions, would be found to
be mutually exclusive.** These cautions will guard us against any
too exacting demands of a book like the Eorftn.
Let us examine the passages which appear to imply human
freedom :
1* As in the Bible, so in the l^orftn, there are hundreds of passages
in which men are reasoned with, invited, encouraged, exhorted, warned,
and denounced, as if their doing right or wrong depended on themselves
alone. As this point will be sufficiently illustrated in citations to be
given under oth^ heads, it is not necessary to quote in this place from
the ^orftn.
2« There are passages which deny Gk>d's connection with human
wrongdoing:"
vii:27, 28. — And when they do anything wicked, they say, We
found our fathers at this, and Gk>d commanded us to do it Say,
Verily, Gtxi doth not command anything wicked. Do ye speak
against God what ye do not know ? Say my Lord commands only
justice
xvi : 92. — Verily, God bids you do justice and good .... and he
forbids you to sin and do wrong and oppress; he admonishes you,
haply ye will be mindful.
ix:97.— God will not be pleased with a people who work abomi-
nation.
31 SchmOlden, p. 19a
33 On our snl^eot Mohammed^s earlier and later teaching doea not Tary. We qnote
mainly from the lea* poetic Soraa, whieh, aa a mle, are late.
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Thb Dootbinb of Freedom in the !^obAn 187
i* Passages wherein the sin of men is laid at their own doors :
Yii:16^g. — [In the account of the fall of Adam and Eve they
acknowledge their own responsibility.] They said, O our Lord!
verily, we have wronged ourselves.
xvi:101. — Satan has power only over those who take him for a
patron and over those who associate [other beings with God, t. e.,
idolaters].
v:82. — Those of the children of Israel who disbelieved were
cursed by the tongue of David and Jesus the son of Mary ; that is,
because they rebelled and did transgress ; they would not desist from
the wrong Uiey did.
xi:d8. — Do they say, He has devised it [the l^rftn]? Say, if I
have devised it, then on me be my sin
ii : 209. — But none did differ [as to the truth] but those who had
been given it, after that dear evidences had come to them, out of
inordinate desire among themselves.
4« Passages allied to those just cited, which make men responsible
for their destiny, whether blessed or otherwise :
vi : 09. — Remind them that a soul shall be banned by what it has
earned Those who are banned for what they have earned, for
them is a drink of boiling water, because they did not believe.
X : 80. — Then shall every soul prove what it has done in time past,
and they shall be returned to God their rightful patron.
xvi:d6. — And the evil which they [the idolaters aforetime] had
done bef el them and that environed them at which they used to mock.
ill: 27. — The day when every soul shall find what it has done of
good present before it; and what it has done of evil, it would fain
there were between itself and that a wide interval.
xvi : 80. — Those whom the angels took away [on the last day] were
^eronging themselves .... wherefore enter ye the doors of hell.
xvi: 85. — God did not wrong them, but it was they who wronged
themselves.
v:18. — God has promised to those who believe and work right-
eousness that for them is pardon and a great reward ; but those who
disbelieve and call our signs lies, these are the fellows of hell.
vi: 161. — He who brings a good work shall have ten like it; but
he who brings a bad work shall be recompensed only with the like
thereof, for they shall not be wronged.
ii:278. — Verily, those who believe and act righteously, and are
steadfast in prayer and give alms, theirs is their reward with their
Lord.
Compare, also, iii : 111 ; xvi:84; iii:189; Ixxiv : 41 ^g. ; ii:84,286;
v:64; viii:85.
5* By way of strengthening these passages which involve personal
responsibility for action and destiny, I add some which oppose vicarious
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138 Hebbaioa
reeponsibilitj. Some of the citations already made teach the same doc-
trine by implication, at least, but those now to be cited will make the
point more clear :
iv : 111. — And whoever gets to himself a sin or a guilty act [and]
then throws it on another, he hath borne calumny and a manifest
guilty act.
vi:164. — But no soul shall earn aught save against itself; nor
shall one bearing a burden bear the burden of another
X : 108. — Say, O people, there has come to you the truth from your
LfOrd, and whoever is rightly guided, he is rightly guided only for
himself, and whoever may err, he errs only against himself.
liii:87^g. — No bearer is burdened with the burden of another,
and (that) a man receives only that which he has wrought, and (that)
he shall be shown his work.
6« Passages which represent God as determined in his attitude
toward men by their attitude toward him:
vii:188. — And the good word of thy Lord was fulfilled on the
children of Israel, for that they were patient ; and we destroyed that
which Pharaoh and his people had made and that which they had
erected.
vii:152. — But those who have done bad works, and then turn
again after them and believe — verily, thy Lord, after that, is for-
giving and merciful.
xiii : 12. — God changes not what a people has until they change it
for themselves.
iii : 70. — Verily, God loves those who fear.
xi:119. — Thy Lord would not have destroyed the cities [of the
plain] unjustly while the people of them were well-doers.
viii:89. — Say to those who disbelieve, if they desist they will be
forgiven what is past.
Compare also viii : 88 ; ii:156; iv:20, 21; vi:54; v:48.
7« More particularly is guidance to and in the true way of salvation
said to depend upon the disposition of men :
ii : 260. — For Gk>d does not guide the unjust people [explained by
the commentator Beidhftwl as those who do themselves injustice by
the refusal of right guidance].
ii : 266. — For God guides not the unbelieving people.
xvi : 89. — Verily, God guides not those who go astray
iv : 69 8q. — But had they done what they were admonished to do,
then it would have been better for them, and a more firm assurance.
And we would surely have brought them from ourselves a mighty
hire, and would have guided them into the right path.
vi:88. — That is Gtxl's guidance, he guides whom he will of his
servants ; and if they fall into idolatry, vain is that which they have
wrought.
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The Dogtbike of Fbeedom in the KobIn 139
iii:80. — How shall Orod guide people who have disbelieved after
believing and bearing witness that the apostle is true, and after there
came to them manifest signs ? God guides not the unbelieving people.
xvi : 9. — God's it is to show the path ; from it some turn aside
Compare also xiii : 27 ; iv : 186 ; v : 18 ; iii : 19.
8. A few places where the voluntary character of religion is clearly
recognized:
ii : 258. — There is no compulsion in religion.
X :99. — But had thy Lord pleased, all who are in the earth would
have believed altogether; as for thee, wilt thou force men to become
believers ?
xvi : 108. — Whoso disbelieves in God after having believed, unless
it be one who is forced, while his heart is resting in the faith .... on /
such is wrath.
9« Passages in which gradation in merit and award is set forth :
ix : 19. — Have ye made out the giving drink to the pilgrims and
the repairing to the Sacred Mosque to be like being a believer in God
and in the last day, who is also strenuous in the way of God ? — They
are not equal in God's sight.
ix : 20. — Those who believe and who have taken part in the Hijra
and been strenuous in the way of God with their wealth and with
their persons are highest in rank with Gtxl. [A description of their
reward in paradise follows.]
xvi : 90. — Those who disbelieve and turn people off Gkni's path,
we will add torment to their torment for that they were evildoers.
X : 31. — There [at the judgment] shall every soul prove what it has
sent on before.
Compare also iv : 97 ; iii:156; viii:4; x:28.
10« There are other classes of passages which imply human freedom,
such as those which speak of the books in which each man's recording
angels write down his actions, which books are the basis of the final
judgment at the last day. Here we see judgment according to man's
action. Other passages speak of the fairness of the final awards, because
God will not wrong the worlds ; of God looking to see how men are going
to act; and of messengers whom Gk>d sent with his own messages, and
who were yet rejected by those addressed.
I think this examination of references to human freedom
shows that the doctrine is taught in the Eorto. A question,
however, arises as to whether the book teaches the divine sover-
eignty in any such sense as would deprive this mass of evidence
of the force it appears to have. To answer this question we turn
to the presentation of God's sovereignty in the Eorftn.
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140 Hbbbaioa
As to the fact of the doctrine of divine sovereignty being in
the book none is ignorant. The only question is as to how it is
there set forth, and to what extent it appears to restrict human
freedom. We confine ourselves to a summary presentation of the
different aspects of the subject found in the ^or&n, without citing
passages.
The Korto says that God has knowledge of all things. How
much this means will depend on the correctness or incorrectness
of the orthodox view that God and his knowledge are one and the
same ; in other words, that there is no distinction of attribute
and essence in God's being. It appears most reasonable to say
that Mohammed had no theory on this subject.
God has power over all things. It ought to be noted at this
point that the Arabic adjective expressing the idea "able to do,"
which is oftenest used of God's power, may be connected with two
related verbal roots, one of which means "to be able," "to have
power;" and the other, "to arrange," "to make ready," and,
secondarily, "to decree," "to fix," "to assign a part." The nouns
and adjectives derived from these roots have in the different cases,
sometimes, rather the idea of "power or ability to do or control,"
and, sometimes, that of "decree, prearrangement, destiny." It
appears that the Arab most readily thought of one who had power
as determining things beforehand according to the measure of his
power and then unfailingly bringing them to pass.
God is independent of everything outside of himself. He
is aUQaiyUm, the self -existent. I do not remember that any
other Semitic language expresses the same idea by a single
word.
This self-existent Deity owns everything as its proprietor.
He made his creation as he pleased, and distributed what he had
created in orders and places as he pleased. He is the creator, the
disposer, the dominant. He set the sun and moon, and by his
decree ordained them as measurers of time for men. That the
day should be for labor, the night for rest, is preordained. The
plants germinate, grow to their perfection, and decay ; men are
bom, grow up, fail, and die by decree. The forms of animals
and their modes of locomotion have been fixed, and for each
creature there is an invariable law. That the race should be
bound into a unity by marriage and by descent is a preconstituted
order.
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The Dootbine of Freedom in the ]^obAn 141
Ab to the method of creation, all things are in ideal or heavenly
possession by the creator, first of all, and, then, by his. decree
become real and extra-heavenly.
Taming from creation to providence, the Korftn expressly
teaches that all events are the progressive realization of God's
appointment. No plans devised by men can change or defeat the
order of God for the earth and its people. The evil he purposes
to do none can avert, and the good he has resolved on cannot be
defeated. No change of a man's circumstances, no change of his
choice, can affect what God has predetermined for this life.
The appearance and extinction of nations have their respective
hours decreed, and none is able to either advance or retard the
time fixed. Rule in the earth God gives to whom he will, whether
we speak of the ruling nations or the rulers of the nations. Indi-
vidual men, too, die at God's hour which has been written in a
book. They will be raised again at an hour which has been
likewise decreed.
God is the constrainer, the forcer. He provides everything,
does everything in the natural world, and governs everything.
If he have willed to give to the Muslims the victory at the battle
of Bedr, it will make no difference whether they go out to fight
or stay at home. The victory will come in either case. If the
weaker side win in battle, there has been an antecedent ^^permis-
sion" of God controlling the issue. The miracles of Jesus had
this governing ^^ permission" behind them, likewise.
Now, this ^'permission" is very often alluded to in the Korftn,
and there are some things which, at one time, God is said to have
appointed and, at another, to have permitted ; e, g., the battle of
Bedr, and even the saving act of faith.
Passing into the sphere of purely moral relations, we meet
whatever real diflSculty there is.
The Korftn declares that God has created many of the jinns
and men for Gehenna (vii : 178) ; that he appoints to paradise
and perdition whom he will. No power can produce in men faith
unless God please, and, had he willed it so, all men would have
believed ; those who do not believe have been stupefied by God's
having inspired them with a horror of Islftm. God makes idolatry
seem right to the unbelieving heathen, or, if it be their idols who
so delude them, it is by that apparently compulsory factor, the
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142 Hebbaioa
divine '^permission/' GcmI leads astray whom he pleases, and
can do so in spite of all the warnings and exhortations of his own
messengers. Still, for all that, idolatry is a sin which he will
never pardon.
God gives to men such knowledge of himself as he chooses to
give. When Gabriel, the Holy Spirit of the ]^orftn, gave his
revelations to the Prophet, it was by the divine permission. And
the recitation of the revelations to men is controlled by the same
cause, for I think we may call it such.
If it be the divine pleasure that a man embrace IslAm, his
heart will be opened to receive it ; if otherwise, God will close the
man's heart. No intercession can avail on behalf of those whose
hearts God has made to disbelieve. Intercession itself, in fact, is
by God's permission.
Forgiveness of sins, special wisdom, mercy, or grace are
bestowed as God wills and on whom he wills. In the written
record of human actions God blots out and confirms according to
his own good pleasure. In general, God guides whom he will to
present and eternal salvation.
One interesting passage makes Satan say to God: "For that
thou hast led me into error, I will lie in wait for them [the
believers] in thy straight path."
The punishment of the wicked in this world is accomplished
by God, who torments and disgraces unbelievers by the hands of
his servants.
After God has raised the dead at the last day, there is to
occur the judgment, and thereat no soul shall speak save by his
permission.
What has been said indicates the comprehensive range of
God's sovereignty. We need only add that all this is strength-
ened by the vehement unitarian monotheism of the ]^orftn. The
intensity of this unitarian belief is illustrated in the name given
to the polytheistic pagans of the Eor&n age and later times.
Their standing designation is ^^associators," ''those who give to
God a fellow, or fellows." The Muslims do not call the Christians
"Mushrikfln" (associators), as they do the heathen, but they do
charge them with "Shirk" (associating, giving a fellow), because
of their doctrine of the Trinity. Those who say that God has a
son make a grievous mistake, and if they urge that Jesus the
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The Dootbine of Freedom in the EobAn 143
Meesiah, the son of Mary, is the son of God — "may God fight
them ! how they lie ! ** The Holy Spirit in the Eor&n teaching,
far from being of the Godhead, is the angefGabriel, who brought
the ]^orftn revelations to Mohammed. However, the Muslims
own to a certain community with Christians, as also with Jews,
inasmuch as each people has had divine revelations, and is there-
fore not Mushrikdn, but Ahlu-'l-Eit&b, "people of the book."
The sovereignty of God is an unshared sovereignty, even as
it is an irresistible sovereignty.
What conclusion can we now come to with reference to the
divine sovereignty and human freedom ?
First, it will, perhaps, have been remarked that we have an
unqualified sovereignty over nature ; that, in providential events
not involving human choice, there is also an absolute foreordina-
tion, irresistibly realized ; but, immediately human freedom comes
into question, the notes of the Eor&n teaching are not harmonious.
A good authority says on this phase of our subject :
Mohammed taught the foreknowledge of God, but he did not lay
down precisely the doctrine of predestination. He found it, as all have
found it, a stumbling-block in the way of man's progress. It perplexed
him, and he spoke of it, but often contradicted himself, and would
become angry if the subject were mooted in his presence : ''Sit not with
a disputer about fate, nor begin a conversation with him." Mohammed
vaguely recognized that little margin of free will which makes life not
wholly mechanical.''
The Muslim, however resigned to God's will he may be, so far
believes in its conditional relation to himself as to adopt any
measures of prudence which suggest themselves in the conduct
of his life."
The Eorftn tells us frequently that God guides aright whom
he will ; but it is equally clear in saying that those who turn to
him, who repent, believe, and do good works, are those whom he
guides. He leads astray whom he will, but, again, we learn that
he leads astray only the evildoers (ii : 24). From our examina-
tion it seems clear enough that in moral relations God's sover-
eignty is conditioned by man's freedom.
When God is represented as the author of sinful dispositions
and actions, and the evil consequences attaching to them, we must
tt Lane, Seleetioni from the Kordn^ 2d ed., Introd., p. Ixzxi.
3* Lane, Modem EgypHaiu^ Blinerra edition, p. 263.
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144 Hebbaioa
bear in mind other cases where it is said that Gtod acts in some
way or other, as a cause of good or evil, only after a disposition
is present in man or an action accomplished by him. And, if it
be finally asked how God comes to be made the author of evil at
all — whether he be so by bringing it into existence, or by con-
firming and increasing it when in existence — we must remember
that this was the belief of Mohammed's auditors, and that the
]^or&n and Isl&m to a very large extent show accommodation to
the native ideas and prejudices of the Arab mind. This explains
the presence of such teaching in the ]^or&n, but does not seem to
remove the contradiction of human freedom which it implies.
However, I think it does so if we regard the expressions of this
kind regarding God as, not the language of Mohammed's con-
viction, but, rather, the language of the theater — used for its
effect. Mohammed often employed such preaching, too, when he
found it impossible to secure the conversion of those he wished
to convert. His hope was to bring all Arabia to the faith of
el-Isl&m, and, when they would not be brought, he found the fact
best explained by adopting and proclaiming such a view as this,
that God had made men to disbelieve, etc. In this case the idea
was an afterthought to explain certain events, and would be dis-
missed just as soon as the prophet had to proclaim a new revela-
tion — perhaps to be resumed if this, in its turn, were not received.
The declaration that idolatry is a sin which Otod will never
pardon might seem to imply limitation of human freedom, but it,
too, must be looked upon as hyperbole used for effect, inasmuch
as all Muslims had been idolaters, except a few who had been
Jews or Christians.
While I cannot accept Emanuel Deutsch's statement to the
effect that Isl&m does not mean absolute submission to Gt>d's
ordering, but rather striving after righteousness with one's own
strength, I fully agree with his view that the Kor&n of el-Isl&m
does not teach that God's ordering is absolute.^ After making
all necessary deductions, we can still find the unmistakable teach-
ing of free will in the Mohammedan scriptures.
SftDeatsoh. ''Essay on Islam," ia Bosworth-Smith, MoKammed and Mokammedanismy
pp. 881 9q,
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NOTES ON THE COMPOSITION OF 2 SAMUEL.
Bt Stanley A. Cook, M.A. (Cantab.)*
Homsey, London, "Bngland.
The narratives of which 2 Samuel is composed are of miique
importance for the student of Hebrew history. They are our only
old source for the life and age of David, and a clear conception of
their aim and contents is the key to a consistent view of the times
which immediately precede and follow. It is fortunate, therefore,
that criticism can be applied more easily to the material at our
command in 2 Samuel than is the case with the few chapters in
1 Sfiunuel (too often of Ephraimite origin) which recount David's
earlier history.
It is generally agreed that, relatively, the latest passage in
this book is chap. 7, while the fact that the connection between
chaps. 9-20 and 1 Kings, chaps. 1, 2, is broken by chaps. 21-24
shows that the latter was placed in its present position after the
separation of the books of Samuel and Kings had been effected.
As for the rest of the book, it is agreed that we have plainly the
work of more than one hand. In the case of chaps. 9-20, however,
criticism is unanimous that, apart from a few glosses, these chap-
ters are from one writer, and that they form, perhaps, the oldest
and most trustworthy section in the whole book. In short, it is
generally held that the book shows few traces of editing ; it has,
in fact, suffered more from the copyist (as is shown by the state
of the text) than the editor.^
The present article has grown out of a study of Absalom's
rebellion. From a consideration of certain peculiarities in the
narrative the writer came to the conclusion that it had suffered
considerable revision, and was to be assigned to an earlier period
of David's life — before he became king over all Israel. To esti-
mate the bearing this had upon the rest of the book a new study
1 Mention shonld be made of Kantzsch^s opinion, Abriu d. Oetch, d. alttegt. Schrift.
(1807). Apart from E (probably 1:6-10, 13-16), D (7:1-12,14-29), and pa8Ba«res of nnknown
origin (cliiefly in cliaps. 8; 21:3-14; 28:16-7; 24), he finds two sooroee: (1) a Jemsalem
narrative (time of Solomon or Rehoboam), in chaps. 6; 6; i^ll; 12-20 (a few passages
excepted) ; and (2) a David narrative (most probably Jndean tenth or ninth centar7)t in
chaps. 1-4 ; 5 ; 21 :16 tqq. ; 23 :8-39 (a fdw passages excepted)
145
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146 Hebbaioa
of the remaining chapters in 2 Samuel became necessary. Fresh
light seemed to be thrown upon certain features which, if they did
not bear directly upon the main issue, appeared at least to be
of equal interest. A separate discussion of these was impossible
at this stage, and hence it seemed desirable to throw the following
pages into the form of an independent contribution to the analysis
of 2 Samuel, and to aim at presenting material for future investi-
gation and criticism.
Throughout the following pages frequent use has been made
of Budde's RicMer und Samuely and the introductions, commen-
taries, and handbooks of Comill, Driver, Kittel, Klostermann,
Euenen [Einleitung^ Erster Teil), Reuss, Stade, Wellhausen, and
Winckler.' In referring to the sources of 1 Samuel Budde's
analysis in the Sacred Books of the Old Testament has been
generally followed. It should be mentioned, however, that his J
and E represent the Judean and Ephraimite documents respect-
ively, and it is still an open question whether these correspond to
the familiar Yahwist and Elohist of Hexateuchal criticism.
For the sake of convenience the narratives have been divided
into eight sections : § 1, chaps. 1-4 ; § 2, chaps. 5-8 ; 21-24 ;
§ 3, chaps. 9-12 ; § 4, chaps. 13-19, the history of Absalom ;
§5, chaps. 19-20:22, Sheba's revolt; §6, the interviews in
chape. 16, 19 ; § 7, 1 Kings, chaps. 1, 2 ; and § 8, general results.
§ 1, Chapters 1-4, — a) The first section of this book is
chiefly concerned with the history of David and Ishbaal (Ish-
bosheth), Saul's successor, chaps. 1-4. To this, chap. 1, which
describes the manner in which David receives the news of Saul's
death, is an introduction. The account of Saul's death, as has
been often observed, does not agree with that in 1 Sam., chap. 31,
and seems to be explained best by Budde (p. 238, c/. SBOT.)*
who ascribes 1:6-10, 13-16 to E. He is doubtless right in
assigning vs. 5 to JE, since Jonathan, who is mentioned in David's
inquiry {ibid,), is absent from the following verses. The descrip-
tion of the messenger's fate appears to have suffered some redac-
tion ; in 1:15 the Amalekite is slain by one of David's followers,
2 ProfeBsor H. P. Smithes Book$ of Samuel, in the International Gritioal Commentanr
series, appeared after the MS. of this article was sent off.
i 8B0T, = Sciered Book$ of the Old Testament, edited by Panl Haapt.— Kuenen (JRn-
leitung, 9 21, note 9) soffgests that the two accounts are donblets. No stress shonld be laid
upon the use of BJI^H (vs* 2) and n!7}n (tss. 5, 6) ; similarly in 1 Sam. 4 : 16 tg. we find both
BJ^^n and "tijSiaSni' There is a slight resemblance between these two passages ; c/. n^
■QTH rnn, ▼s.l6l2Sam. I:4a,andvs.l26; 2 Sam. 1:2a.
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Notes on the Composition of 2 Samuel 147
whereas in 4:10 allusion seems to be made to another (earlier ?)
tradition wherein he is killed by David himself. There may have
been two traditions in circulation, but lingujatic criteria in chap. 1
suggest that the older tradition has been replaced by one tending
to remove the stain of bloodshed from David's hand.^
The chapter concludes with David's lament over Saul and
Jonathan quoted from the book of Jashar (vss. 11 aqq,). The
question of its Davidic authorship will rest partly upon psycho-
logical grounds (Budde, p. 238), and partly also upon our con-
ception of the relation subsisting between Judah and Israel at
Saul's death. It is to be noticed that the song is addressed to
Israel, and with Israel alone is it essentially concerned, thus
rendering it difficult to accept Klostermann's ingenious reading
in vs. 18 (niDjD rTTST^ '^321) .
Stade {Oeachichtey Vol. I, p. 257) has pointed out that the
natural sequence to 1 Sam., chap. 31, is to be found in 2 Sam.,
chap. 2, and, indeed, chap. 1 does not appear to belong to the
original groundwork of David's history. Its obvious purpose is
to account for the transmission of the regalia from Saul to David,
whence it is probable that it has been introduced by the redactor,
who combined the two histories of David and Saul.' The evident
sympathy for Saul and his house naturally suggests an Ephraimite
origin, and in this connection it is worth remembering that it is
E, also, who, in Josh. 10: 13, has again quoted the book of Jashar.
We perhaps owe the introduction of the song to the author of
vs. 5, with which verse the mention of Jonathan (vss. 22, 23,
25 sq.) connects itself.
b) Chap. 2 resumes the personal history of David, and is,
therefore, the immediate continuation of 1 Sam., chap. 30. He
leaves Ziklag and goes up to Hebron, where the men of Judah
come to anoint him (vss. l-4a). The abruptly introduced men-
tion of the men of Jabesh-Gilead (vss. 46-7) rests upon 1 Sam.
31:11 8^9. (Saul's history), and, with Meyer {Oesch, d. Alter-
tums^ Vol. I, § 297), does not belong to the original narrative.
4*' House of Israel" (ts. 126) in Hexateueh only P, but once D^ in Josh. 21:48, E3 in
lSam.7:2«g.; inlKin«8l2:21D. For 2 Samuel see 6:5, 15; 12:8; 16:3. ** People of Yahweh "
(/Md.), 1 Sam. 2:24 B3; *' anointed of Tahweh" (vs. 14), RDin 1 Sam. 2:35 (c/.ts. 10), £2 in
1 Sam. 12:8, 5, and Midrash in 1 Sam. 16:6. In earlier narratiree 1 Sam. 26:9, 11, 28 (E) and
in 24 : 7, 11 (J, aooording to Budde).
i This he has done by prefixing tss. l-2a (to " the third day '*), a strikingly precise notice
which does not appear to agree with the situation represented in 1 Sam., chap. 80. It has
probably been deriyed from 1 Sam. 80:1 (three days* journey from Aphek to Ziklag).
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148 Hbbbaioa
Ishbaal is crowned by Abner at Mahanaim, and rules over Ben-
jamin, Ephraim, Jezreel^ Gilead, etc. The extensive district over
which he held sway may be understood if we assume that he was a
vassal of the Philistines (c/. Kamphausen, ZATW,^ Vol. VI, pp.
43 sgg.). Continuing, vss. 10a, 11 are acknowledged glosses
(Wellhausen, Budde), but the close similarity between 106
("but the house of Judah followed David") and 20:2; 1 Kings
12:20 makes it probable that vss. 10, 11 are both from the same
hand.
Next we meet with certain details of the war between Ishbaal
and David. Vss. 14-16 describe a small skirmish at Qibeon ; the
story is possibly an etymologizing attempt to explain the name
D-^n npbn (Budde, p. 240).* Vs. 17, on the other hand,
speaks of a big battle wherein the men of Israel are beaten ; vss.
18-24 a self-contained narrative follows with the account of Asa-
hel's death. The latter can hardly be connected with the pre-
ceding passages (note the fresh introduction, vs. 18), nor does it
seem to be the prelude to vss. 25 sqq.^ In the verses which follow,
vs. 27a (with the use of D^bs) can scarcely refer to vsv 14
(RV mg.) ; a fight would surely have occurred under any circum-
stance, and, as Driver {Books of Samuel, p. 188) notes, the verse
must refer to vs. 26. The chapter concludes with the cessation of
the war (vs. 28; cf, vs. 30a), and Abner's return to Mahanaim
(vs. 29).
In chap. 3 vs. 66 follows immediately upon vs. 1, vss. 2-5
belong to chap. 8, and vs. 6a is the redactor's addition (c/. Budde,
SBOT,). Vs. 1 directly contradicts 2:28, and the use of Tn TT'^,
(vs. 1; cf. 1 Sam. 20:16 RJ=; 2 Sam. 7:26, see below) ^ "pS
(t6td., rarely before D), and b"!! (t6td., Gen. 41:19 ; Exod. 23:3 E,
but Judg. 6:15 J), favors the assumption that vss. 1, 66 sqq,
have been worked over (at least) by a later hand (pTTTDO , vs.
66, see our note on 10:12, § 3, c). Further support is found in
the words of Abner (vss. 9 sq,; note D'^PlbS, vs. 9a), which are
related to the passages in 1 Samuel where David is spoken of as
accepted by Yahweh, all of which, however, are later than J (1 Sam.
> LXX pre8npi>o8e8 D*n3S*? ripbn " portion of the plotters," and the context suggests
D*^'^$n npbn ** portion of the sides.** For oonjeotores the writer may be permitted to
refer to his article Helkath-Hassorim in the EncyclopcBdia Bibliecu, VoL IL QT* TtpbU
in Gen. 33:19; Josh. 24:82 E; see also 2 Sam. 14:80 sg.; 23 : U tg. below.
f Wellhausen, howeyer (Die BUeher Somuslia, ad toe.), suggests the original identitj of
nttK nyaa (▼». 24) and nnx waa (^s. 25).
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Notes on thb Composition of 2 Samuel 149
15:28 E^ 16:1, 12 Midrash ; 18:12a E ; 28:17 H^).' A similar
feeling is observed in vss. 17 sg., where bS'llD'' ''SpT points to E
(c/. 1 Sam. 4:3 E; 8:4 E*).* That 2:12-16 is older than
1 Sam. 18:20-29; 19:11-17, has been rightly noticed by Mar-
quart {Fundamente, p. 24). But is our passage conflate, or
should we read "Abner" for "Ishbaal" in vss. 14, 15? Why
should David send to Ishbaal for Michal when, as we learn from
vs. 18, the marriage was to confirm the secret alliance which
Abner was seeking with David ?
Vs. 30 is ascribed to a late redactor (see SBOT,)y and, by the
unexpected inclusion of Abishai, is obviously to be connected with
vss. 29 and 39, which, instead of Joab alone, speak of *' Joab's
house" and the "scms of Zeruiah." The lament which follows
(vss. 33, 34) may be an insertion ; vss. 82b and 34b are closely
parallel, and SnbV *^3;2 recurs in 2 Sam. 7:10 (see below), and
elsewhere in later passages. Suspicion attaches itself also to
David's curse in vss. 28 sqq., from the awkward manner in which
it is introduced (iS^^^jHSO Tl/I 3?tt^^1 ; for a parallel construction
cf. 2 Chron. 32:23b), and from its unfriendly feeling toward
Joab (see below, § 6, b).
There is little to notice with respect to chap. 4. The tradition
in vs. 10 has been already mentioned (see above), and David's
regard for Ishbaal reminds us of the Ephraimite tendency in
chap. 1 (above).*®
c) Not a few traces of redaction and combination of passages
from different sources have been found throughout this section.
We have no clear conception of the struggle between David and
Ishbaal (c/. Stade, Geachichte, Vol. I, p. 262). We find traces
of a narrative which suggests that Abner and Ishbaal are sup-
ported by Benjamin alone (2:14-16, 18-27, 30-32), whereas
other verses presuppose that Joab is fighting against all Israel
(vss. 17, 28). It is curious, moreover, that in chaps. 3 sq, there
is nothing to suggest that Saul's court is still at Mahanaim, with
the possible exception of 4:7b." This city is mentioned only in
8*' Dan to Beeraheba*' (ti. 106) is generally late; e/. Bndde, p. 258, and see especially
Hope W. Hogg, "Dan to Beeraheba/' in Expotitor, Vol. VUI, pp. 4U-21 (1866).
•Probably ja in Exod. 3:16; 4:29; 12:21; E in Nmnb. 11:80; 16:2S; Exod.l7:5,6; 18:2;
24:1,9; Jo8b.24:l; and E" in Josh. 7:6. On 2 Sam. 5:3; 17:4, 15 see below, and on 1 Kings
8 :1, 3 see Knenen, 9 25, note 2.
10 -^3 (T8. 116) is markedly D.
1 1 The murderers of Ishbaal oome (from Mahanaim 1) " through the Arabah** to Hebron ;
c/.2:29.
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150 Hebbaioa
2:8, 12, 29; 2:8 may belong to an Ephraimite writer, and vss.
12, 13a, 17 .... 28 aq. appear to form part of an originally
independent account (R^^?). Which is the more historical, the
Benjamite or the Israel narrative ?
It is well known that the Philistines, after their victory at
Gilboa, occupied the cities in the northern plain at Jezreel, and
since Saul's court was forced to flee across the Jordan, it would
appear that Benjamite territory was no longer secure. It is,
therefore, remarkable that the only recorded skirmish was in
Benjamin, and that Abner seems to have stood at the head of this
tribe, and exercised some authority over it (c/. 2:25, 31 ; 3:19).
Another noticeable peculiarity in chaps. 2-4 is the absence of
all reference to the Philistines. It is natural to suppose that it
would be in their interest to leave the rival houses of David and
Saul in a state of warfare, and it has been plausibly conjectured
that David, as well as Ishbaal, was their vassal. Consequently
one expects that it would have been the Philistines' policy to
preserve the balance of power, and it is difficult to understand
for what reason they abstained from interference. As we know
from 2 Sam. 5: 17, they do not reappear until north and south are
united and David has become king over all Israel.
§ 2t Chapters 5-8. — All the tribes come to David and anoint
him king over Israel, he goes up to Jerusalem, the Philistines
are driven away, and the ark is brought up. David proposes to
build a house for the ark, but Nathan, at Yahweh's command,
forbids him. Successful wars are waged against the surrounding
nations, and we seem to reach the climax of David's history. His
authority is felt far and wide, and in everything David perceives
the hand of Yahweh working on behalf of His people.
It will be impossible to consider these chapters without taking
into consideration the appendix (chaps. 20-24)," and since our
intention is to gain an idea of the age and character of the various
narratives, it will be convenient to classify the contents according
to their subject-matter.
a) Narratives dealing with Jerusalem. — Following the intro-
duction (see below) comes the abrupt notice of the capture of
la The position of chaps. 21-24 shows that they were inserted after the separation of the
books of Samuel and Kings (Driver, IntroductUm^ 6th ed., p. 188), but did the writer who
inserted them leave them untouched 1 Chaps. 22-28:7, the aang followed by the last words
(e/. Deut., chaps. 82 tg., Moses* Song followed by the Blessing), are iater. For 21 : 1-14 see
below, 68. Budde (8B0T,) arranges the narratives as foUows: 5:1-3, 17-25; 21:li§qq,;
28:8sgg.; 5:6; 6:1; 5:7-12; %:28qq.; chap. 7; 8:1-14; 8:2-5; 5:13-16; 5:4,5; 8:15-18.
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Notes on thb Composition of 2 Samubl 151
Jerusalem by David and his "men" (5:6 sqq,). Chap. 6:1,
which mentions the assembling of thirty thousand of the chosen
men of Israel, does not seem, therefore, to be an apt prelude
(against Budde, p. 243). The notice of Hiram and his message
in vss. 11 sq, probably refers to the latter part of David's reign,
since the Phoenician king was a contemporary of Solomon (see
Kittel, History y Vol. II, p. 157, note 2) ." It is possible, however,
that he has been introduced from 1 Kings, chap. 5, just as the
account of Saul's victories in 1 Sam. 14:47 seems to be based
upon 2 Sam., chap. 8.
Chaps. 6, 7, which break the connection between 5:25 and
8:1, do not appear to belong to this section (c/. Stade, Qeschichte,
Vol. I, p. 266). Opinions vary as to the "source of chap. 7.
Wellhausen {Hexateuchj p. 257) and Euenen (§ 22, note 5)
ascribed it to D. Eittel, however {History, Vol. II, pp. 46 sg.,
160, note 2), and Budde (p. 244) would find in it traces of older
material. It is sufficient for our purpose, however, to recollect
that it is agreed that a hand later than J has worked over it.
Chap. 6 is composed of two incidents : (a) the bringing up of
the ark from Baal of Judah to the house of Obed-Edom, and {/3)
its removal to Zion. These are kept distinct by the chronicler and
characteristically treated after his own manner (1 Chron., chap.
13 = 2 Sam. 6:1-11 ; 1 Chron. 15:25 sqq. = 2 Sam. 6:12 sqq.).
In vss. 2-4, 6, 76 (where David is accompanied by his "men")
DTlbS consistently recurs, but in vss. 5, 7a, 8 sqq. (where David
is accompanied by Israel, vss. 5, 15, 19) the divine name is regu-
larly JDiT (so read in vs. 126 with LXX, Lucian)." The close
resemblance between a and 1 Sam. 6:19 — 7:1 will not pass
unnoticed. In view of the obvious relation between chap. 6 and
chap. 7 it is not improbable that the former (derived from some
"History of the Ark") has been introduced into its present posi-
tion by the final editor of the latter." To him we may, perhaps,
IS See the article Hiram in the EnoyclopcBdia Biblica,
i* With regard to the Tahweh^oarratiTe it is noteworthy that tb. 5 has no real oonneotion
with the context, and that the words ** the anger of Tahweh was kindled npon Uzzah ** (ts. 7a)
are a parallel to, and perhaps a gloes upon, ** and Elohim smote him." HIH*^ occurs in vs.
26, which is possibly a gloss.
i& On the whole chapter see Koeters, Theolog, Tijdachr.^ 1888, pp. 861-78. 2 Sam. 6:20-28,
which connects itself with vs. 16, is omitted by the chronicler (1 Chron. 16 : 436 = 2 Sam. 6 : 20a) .
Its tone is distinctly anti-BenJamite, and ts. 21, in particular, resembles in spirit snch a pas-
sage as 3 :9 tg. (on which see 9 li &)t above). Bnt 6 : 20-23 is very probably an addition. One
notes that in fi (and also in the TMrV^ fragment in «) Dayid is king over all Israel, and that
from 6 : 23 it is to be inferred that Michal has only just become Dayid^s wife.
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152 Hbbbaica
ascribe 6:1, and see traces of his hand in such expressions as
bS-nD** rr^ (6:5, see above on 1:12), and UXDJ, "pa (6:186;
cf. Dent. 10:8; 21:5). Finally, we have chap. 24, relating the
census of Israel, Yahweh's wrath, and the erection of the altar
at the threshing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite. Has the exist-
ence of an old altar been the origin of the narrative ? The close
relation between chaps. 24 and 21 has been frequently observed
(see, e. gr., Wellhausen, HexcUetich, p. 263); cf. further 24:13
(LXX) with 21 : 1 (the duration of the famine), and 24: 15 (LXX)
with 21:96 (the time of year), and see Euenen, § 22, note 18.
The exact source of this chapter can scarcely be decided ; a num-
ber of noteworthy usages found in it are given in a note.**
6) Wars. — Incidents in the wars with the Philistines are
found in 5 : 17-25 ; 21 : 15-22, and 23 : 8-39. In the first passage,
the scene is laid in Baal-Perazim and the valley of Bephaim, and
the Philistines are beaten from Gibeon to Gezer {cf. LXX and
1 Chron. 14:16). In the second, the scene is removed to GK)b
(read Gezer ?) and Gath, and in the last we find amid various
notices the account of a fight at Le]|^i (23:11), a list of David's
heroes, and strangely enough a fragmentary passage where the
Philistines are again in the valley of Rephaim and actually have
a garrison in Bethlehem ! It is, indeed, strange to find them so
near the capital. It is evident that we have a number of frag-
ments, secular and religious, which have been loosely brought into
their position by a later hand (so also Wellhausen, Die BUcher
SamueliSy p. 212, note), to whom we may inter alia ascribe the
introduction, 5:17a." That they rest upon an old tradition we
need not doubt ;'• possibly, indeed, they once formed part of the
"Book of the Wars of Yahweh," which is quoted by E in Numb.
21:14 89.
'•DHDI DrO (▼■.8),8eeDeut.l:ll; niKt ' * * "^^Tt c/.Doat.28:82. Forthegeograph-
ioal descriptioD in tss. h9qq, (on text see WeUhansen, Kloetermann, DriTer, Bndde) cf. Dent.
2:36; 3:12; Jcwh. 12:2; 18:9, 16; the mention of Tyre and Sidon ie striking. For **Dan to
Beersheba" (vs. 2) see on 8:10 above (note 8). *^rib3D3 (▼«• 10), see Oen. 81:28 E; 1 Sam.
18:18Ja (so Bndde); 26:21 B; for2Sam. 15:8l8ee9i,e); mn*^ T^b^S (ts. 16), see on 14:17
below, %i,a)\ niTH (ts. 17), ef. 2 Sam. 7:14 (see aboTe), and for 2 Sam. 19:20 see 86, 6) ;
TX^ya (▼8.21)inHezatenohBandP(plaralinExod.9:14J); with nS73« c/. Nnmb. 17 : 18,
15 ; 25 :8 P ; TlS") (▼s. 28), old in Oen. 88 : 10 ; Dent. 38 : 11, 24, generally D and later. In vs. 24
the order Q*^V)Sn D*^bpV is nnusnal and generally late (c/. Driver, ad loc,). TlIK for TlM «
oharaoteristio of the Elisha narratives (1 Kings, chap. 20—2 Kings, ohap. 8), recurs in Josh.
10:25; 14:12 D (c/. Driver, ItUroduction^ 6th ed., p. 188, note).
IT Note also vs. 24, *' Yahweh will go before thee,** and cf. Dent. 9:8; Jadg. 4:14 (E, so
Bndde, Moore). TX^T^ in 28:11 mi. is also a sign of B; cf. on 2:16 above, 9 1« h).
18 E. g.y the notice of the slaying of Ooliath in 2 Sam. 21 : 19 as compared with 1 Sam.,
chap. 17.
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Notes on the Composition of 2 Samuel 153
In chap. 8 we have some account of David's campaigns which,
in its present form, shows signs of much revision and redaction
(according to Budde, 8B0T,, vss. l-6a R», 66, 11, 12 R^)."
Compared with chap. 10 the chapter is a panegyric idealizing
David's successes; see further below, § 3, c).
c) Family and official lists. — Little need be said respecting
the family lists. Amnon (3:2) was the son of the Jezreelite
Ahinoam, and Dodiel (so Klostermann, and Marquart, Funda-
mente, p. 25; MT, a»b3, bvCVl) was the son of Abigail the
Carmelite. The third, Absalom b. Maacah, was the grandson of
Talmai king of Qeshur. Since David's first two wives came from
the south of Judah, we can hardly suppose that in the case of
Absalom the Aramean state of Qeshur is referred to (c/. Josh.
12:5). It is not easy to see how David at this early period of
his life was able to contract an alliance with so distant a princi-
pality, and it becomes more probable, and indeed agrees better
with his policy to suppose, that G^shur is the less known south-
Palestinian district which seems to have been situated beyond the
Philistine territory (c/. Josh. 13:2; 1 Sam. 27:8, and see below
§ 4, 6). The fourth son, Adonijah, is briefly styled "ben Hag-
gith," possibly a corruption of riTSfl'^a "son of the Gittite
(woman)."
The list of oflScers, 8:16 sgg., recurs in 20:23 sgg., where,
however, it seems out of place. As Bonk has already suggested,
it is probable that these lists are comparatively late (see ZATW.,
Vol. XI, p. 142). Benaiah, for example, is nowhere mentioned
in the following narratives (9-20:22), and the head of the
Cherethites and Pelethites, so far from being Benaiah, was Joab
(c/. 20:7, and on text see Budde, SBOT.). Possibly the LXX
addition to 1 Kings, chap. 2, is more correct in styling him chief
Tov wTuvOelov (vs. 46A), i. 6., of the ^^hl2 or "brick-kiln" (?);**
cf. 2 Sam. 12:31, Kfiri.
d) It is evident that this section comprises a number of hetero-
geneous fragments of various ages and sources {cf. Wellhausen,
Hexateuch^ p. 258), and has as much right to be ascribed to the
oldest narrator as the appendix (chaps. 21-24) , which, in the
matter of contents, it closely resembles. The terminus a quo of
i«Alao yn (▼>• 9) with the meaning **army*' in Hezatench P, in 1 Sam. 17:20 E;
10:26 BJK.
-io The exact meaning of the word is very uncertain.
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154 Hebbaioa
the various incidents is apparently fixed by the introduction, 5:3,
which dates this section at the anointing of David over all Israel,
t, e., seven years after the death of Saul (c/. vs. 5a). Internal
evidence, however, as well as the existence of several phraseo-
logical criteria, make it probable that this introduction, a twofold
one (vss. 3 and 1 8g.), is late, and that it has proceeded from the
editors who have collected and revised the several fragments
which follow.^'
When once we recognize that these introductions are due to
later editors, we are able to gain a rather difiPerent, and perhaps
a clearer, conception of the early history of David's reign. The
few encounters between David and the Philistines which are
recorded will belong to a time when David had not become king
over all Israel, and apparently precede the incidents in chaps. 2-4,
where we find, strangely enough, no mention of the Philistines
(o/. also AsaheFs name among David's heroes in 23:24). In
these fights David has neither "host" {tX2l) nor "army" (btl)
as in chap. 8 or 10, but is accompanied only by his "men** or
"servants" (c/. 5:21; 21:15, 17).
It seems diflScult (following the accepted view) to believe that
David was already king of Israel when he took refuge in the " hold "
(rn^p) from the Philistines who came out against him (5:17).
It is more probable that David had been previously engaged
in subduing the Philistines around Jerusalem at the same time
as Ishbaal and Abner were fighting those who had settled in the
more northerly parts of Palestine (1 Sam. 31:7). The absence
of the Philistines in chaps. 2-4 may then be due to the fact that
they had become a negligible quantity. David probably seized
Jerusalem before he became king over Israel. In Ziklag his
rule had extended over his "friends" in the Negeb, whose sup-
port it was perhaps necessary to assure with gifts (1 Sam. 30:26
sqq.),^ How lasting his success was we shall see when we come
to consider the rebellion of Absalom.
^ib^nto*^. *^q3l9 is found in J in Gen. 49:16; JE in Josh. 4:5,8; 7:16; E in Josh. 8 : 12 ;
24:1. In"jiid«r. 18:1; 20:2,10; 21:8 post-exiUc (Moore). Also in 1 Sam. 2:28 RD; 10:20 B3;
15:17 E; once J (T) in 1 Sam. 9:21. In 2 Samuel it occurs in 7:7; 15:2,10; 19:10; 20:14; 24:2.
For 1 Kings 8:16; 11:32 see Kuenen. §25, note 2. K'^^TOn'j fiC^I^lSn (vs. 2), c/. 1 Sam.
18 : 13 £3 ; TVP^ i hero first in the metaphorical sense (c/. 7:7), and frequently in Jeremiah.
The promise in vs. 26 is related to 1 Sam. 18 : 14 Ja ; 15 : 28 E ; 16 : 1-13 (Midrash), and for "^^pT
bfiC"\tD^ (vs. 3) c/. above on 8:17. T^JJ (vs. 2), however, is found only in J in 1 Samuel
(9:16; 10:1; 13:14; 25:30).
^ Stade iOeschicMe^ Vol. I, p. 259) suggests that the passage refers to the time imme-
diately following Saul's death.
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Notes on the Composition op 2 Samuel 155
In Hebron, David seems to have been able to increase his
power by alliances, thus gaining, doubtless, some hold over Jez-
reel, Carmel, and Qeshur. By driving out the Philistines from
the north of Judah he would be better able to devote his energies
to the more northerly tribes. It would be rash to assume that
the extension of his power over all Israel followed immediately
after the death of Ishbaal — we can hardly suppose that there was
no one to lead the north against David. The editor of chaps.
5-8 has simply attempted to thrust back the date of David's rule
over the united north and south, just as the chronicler, by omit-
ting 2 Sam., chaps. 1-4, made David's supremacy begin imme-
diately after the death of Saul.
§ 3. Chapters 9-12,— The following chaps. 9-20 (together
with 1 Kings, chaps. 1, 2) comprise the so-called "court history"
or "family history" of David. They may easily be divided into
two parts : chaps. 13-20, narrating the rebellion of Absalom and
Sheba's rising ; chaps. 9-12, a collection of narratives which deal
with a) Mephibosheth (chap. 9), 6) the circumstances attending
the birth of Solomon (11:2 — 12:25), and c) the Ammonite war
(chap. 10; 11:1; 12:26 sgg.).
In considering a) it will be necessary to take into account
21:1-14, which, according to Budde (pp. 256 sq,), should imme-
diately precede it. It is diflScult, however, to ascribe both narra-
tives to the same writer or age. In chap. 21 David deliberately
hands over seven of the sons of Saul to the Qibeonites,** whereas
in chap. 9 this is ignored, and David, apparently unaware of
their fate, has to inquire whether there are yet any of Saul's
house alive. David's solicitude toward Saul's descendants is
marked, and the whole motive of the chapter is David's acknowl-
edgment of the obligation entailed by his covenant with Jonathan.
Ohap. 9 is obviously related, therefore, to 1 Sam. 20:15 sg?.,
RJ«; c/ 18:3 E' and 24:21 RJ®;** and we are probably justified
in ascribing it to E ;^ to determine the source of chap. 21, on
the other hand, is more difScult. The chapter seems to refer to
a comparatively early period in David's history, when he was
feeling his way to an extension of power, and by complying with
23 Vs. 7 (the saving of Mephibosheth) may be a gloss (c/. Budde).
24 Besides DTl^K (9:8). the use of TWO i^'-V to denote a single field (and not
"country** ooUectiTely) possibly points to E (c/. Holzinger, Einleitung^ §13, p. 105).
26 The chapter seems to follow upon chap. 4 (c/. "^113 "TDK TUHir "^DH* 9;l). and
probably belonged originally to a somewhat earlier stage in Dayid*s history.
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156 Hebbaiga
the request of the Gibeonites may have hoped to obtain their
good services. It agrees with the benevolence shown by David
to Saul's house to suppose that the burial of the remains of Saul
and Jonathan (vs, 12) would have been attended to at an earlier
period. Whatever be its ultimate source, the narrative lies
imbedded in a later frame, and shows some signs of having been
worked over by a later editor.*
6) The story of David's sin with Bathsheba and the birth of
Solomon (11 : 2 — 12: 25) is inserted in the account of a war against
Babbath-Ammon, of which it was originally independent. Our
story commences abruptly with the vague notice "and it came to
pass one evening." Joab and the men of Israel and Judah are
besieging a certain city ; its name, as well as that of the enemy,
is unmentioned.*^ In vs. 11 ^15011 D'^HV^ seems superfluous by
the side of D1H JTran ■'JB'bj , and should we read with Lucian
" the ark of God, and Israel and Judah," etc., we surely have a
gloss.* Further, in vs. 12, David undertakes to send Uriah away
on the morrow, whereas vss. 13 sq. show that the latter does not
depart until the third day (on the text see Budde, SBOT.)
David in his letter (vs. 15) orders Joab to place Uriah in a
dangerous position and desert him, whereas in the continuation
of the narrative he is slain along with other warriors in a general
onslaught (vs. 17; cf. vs. 24). Has a glossator endeavored to
minimize David's treachery ? Finally, the introduction of Abime-
lech at the close of the chapter is hardly an apt parallel ; it is not
easy to see how the city was to be taken unless the army approached
the wall. The story of Abimelech in Judg., chap. 9, occupies a
unique position in the "History of the Judges" (see Moore,
8B0T,y English translation), and the account of his death (vss.
42sgg.) is due to E."
In 12:1-25 Nathan reproves David for his sin, Bathsheba
becomes David's wife, and with the birth of Solomon the repentant
king is restored to the divine favor. Already Schwally {ZATW,^
Vol. XII, p. 153) has suggested that vss. l-15a are a later inser-
tion, but it is probable that the whole of 11:27b — 12:24a, 25 has
38 For expressions later than J c/. TXIQH (▼&• S)« Jndff. 20:5; Nnmb. 88:56 (P), and on
'^^ nbn3 (T8.8) see 14:16 below. For yon (▼8.7,aglo68T)<^.l Sam.l5:8,9,15;Exod.2:6E;
1 Sam. 28 : 21J(T) ; for 2 Sam. 12 : 4, 6 see below. Elsewhere Denteronomjr, Jeremiah, and later.
37 A name might have been expected, e. y., in ts. 17.
M Of, the late Ley. 28:42s9.; Neh. 8:14, 17.
^ "CD (2 Sam. 11 :28) in Hexateneh only E and D.
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Notes on the Composition op 2 Samuel 157
been written to render Solomon's birth as stainless as possible.*^
The insertion is twofold: (a) 11:276; 12:15-24a; (i8) 12:l-15a,
25, and it is noteworthy that in (i8), which is .a later addition to
(a), we find the only allusion to the Ammonite war (vs. 9). It
is equally noteworthy that the only reference to Uriah in the his-
torical books is found in 1 Kings 15:5, a passage whose genuine-
ness is not free from suspicion (Kuenen, § 26, note 7)."
Omitting b) as a lengthy and complicated narrative artificially
inserted in its present position, there remains c), a running
account of the Ammonite war," the sequel to chap. 10. Chap.
10, compared with chap. 8, is a perfectly straightforward account
of David's successes (vss. 15-1 9a are, however, open to suspicion) .
It is not our intention to analyze the account of these wars ; we
ask, rather, whether they could have occurred before the events
related in chaps. 13-20. The hospitality with which David was
received in Mahanaim (17:27 sgg.) has always been difficult to
understand in view of the sanguinary war he had previously
waged against Ammon. Instead of large armies chaps. 13 sqq,
seem to presuppose mere bodyguards (15:18; 20:7; see below),
and David does not appear to possess the authority and power
which the accounts of the successful wars in chaps. 8 and 10
imply. Whatever be the source of chap. 10 — and there are a
few data which point to a hand later than J" — we venture the
30 12 : 246 accordingly follows immediately after 11 : 27a.
SI The chronicler characteristically goes farther than the writer in 2 Samuel and makes
Solomon the youngett of the four sons of Bathsheba (1 Chron. 8:5). That Solomon was
really the fint-bom has been conjectured also (on different grounds) by Marquart, Funda-
menie, p. 26. The present writer based his conjecture on the linguistic evidences which were
found in chap. 12: ni'Q''P (^s* 5), cf, 1 Sam. 26:16 (E) ; b'Sfl (▼&. 6), see on 21:7 above,
§8, a); **I have anointed thee" (vs. 7); cf, 1 Sam. 16:13 (Midrash); HTl (vas. 9$q.), cf,
1 Sam. 2:80 RD; 10:27 RJi; 17:42 E; ^'^^yn with Kt3n (vs. 13), cf, 24:10 (g 2, a);
DTlbK (▼«. 16) ; y)2 (▼&. 19). in Gtea, 41:83, 89; 1 Sam. 3:8 E; once J in 1 Sam. 16:18 (so
Budde) ; Dbn (vs. 20), of garments, in Hexa touch E; TX^TV^ T)^^ (vs. 20), an anachronism
(Beuss, Wellhausen). I^HM Hin^l (▼&• 246) is probably a i^oss; observe (a) its position,
(fr) the order of the words, and (c) HHM > with TV\T\^ as subject, Lb a mark of D (Holsinger,
EinUitung, p. 284).
92 The text of 2 Sam. 12 : 26-29 is difficult. D*^n ^'^7 (ts. 276) appears to be identical
with nSlblSn ^'^y in 266,* both are doubtless corrupt, and Cheyne {ExpotUory Ttm««,
December, 1897, pp. 148 sg.) reads DSb'Q ^*^7 ''city of Milcom." Vss. 28*9. expressly state
that the city has not yet been taken, whence it follows that vss. 266 and 276 ("^HnDb^DJi
D*^n ^*^7~nX f otc.) must either be hopelessly corrupt or else glosses. The repetition of
the notice of the destruction of Ammon (11:1; 12:31) and of the siege of Rabbah (11:1,
niS ; 12:26, nnbS) indicates editorial revision.
^ ^T\ (10:8), generally £ or later; cf. Budde, p. 145; npfl iibid,)y cf, Deut. 18:15;
Judg. 18 : 2, and 1 Sam. 20 : 12 RJB. pTTinn (▼&. 12), cf. Numb. 18 : 20 ; 1 Sam. 4 : 9 £, but C^en.
48:2; 1 Sam. 80:6 J; for 8:6 cf,%i,h) above. obS (vs. 5), cf. Numb. 12:14 E, but 1 Sam.
20:34; 25:7,15 £; in Judg. 18:7 corrupt. DID VnOl (12:28), cf, (}en. 48:16 £; 2 Sam. 6:2
(later than J 1 See §2, a).
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158 Hebbaiga
suggestion that, chronologically, the wars of David shoold follow,
and not precede, the events related in chaps. 13-20. Further
support for this will be pointed out below.
§ 4. Chapters 13-19: The history of Absalom. — Chaps. 13
sqq. deal with the revolt of Absalom and, in their present position,
are closely connected with the account of Sheba's short-lived
rising. Chaps. 13, 14 form an introduction to the following
chapters (15sgg.), of which, with the solitary exception of the
reference in 15:8 to Gteshur (c/. 13:37 sq.; 14:23, 32), they are
virtually independent.
a) In chap. 13 the use of nbnnn in a twofold sense (vs. 2,
he fell sick ; vs. 6, he feigned himself sick) and the occurrence of
Dirt (more frequently E and later ; see below) and b'^ (see on
3:1, above) would suggest that vss. 3-6a, which tend to throw
part of the guilt of Absalom's crime upon Jonadab, are secondary;
in vs. 32 Jonadab is introduced as a new character. The closing
verses have clearly suflPered some transposition: vss. 34a, 37a,
38a (the flight of Absalom) are parallels, but Elostermann in the
first would read Dibw ITIK 1H1 (connecting with vs. 33). Vs.
38a is an insertion, the correct order being : vss. 36, 376, 37a,
386, 39 (Wellhausen, Driver, Budde), and it is difficult, there-
fore, to avoid suspecting the genuineness of the chronological
note, vs. 386, which may have been a marginal note. Chap. 14
betrays the hand of a later scribe, but there is no sign of any
legal regulation for blood-revenge, and the chapter may be pre-
deuteronomic."* Vss. 25-27 are recognized glosses, but since vs.
286 = vs. 246, it is probable that vs. 28 is equally intrusive. The
construction D"^"* DT^STD (ibid.) may point to E; c/. Gen. 41:1
(E). In the closing verses we may again find traces of E in
^DSn (▼8.2),oldinl>eut.32:6,20: Jndg.5:29; doubtful in Exod. 1:10; in Gen. 41 : 38, 98
E, elsewhere D(Deut. 1:18, 15; 4:6; 16:19), and in poetry; c/. alsol Kings 2 : (g 7, c) ; 5:11,
and for 2 Samnel cf, 14:20 and 20:16. HTp^T^t 1 Kings 2:6; Dent. 4:6; 34:0 (elsewliere in
Hexatenoh P) ; for 2 Samnel o/. 14:20; 20:22. DHH bM3i (ts. 11)i in Hexateuch D and P.
DT^bX D7t cf, Jndg. 20:2 (post-exilic), and note tlie consistent nse of QT^bX thronghont
this chapter. DV^bX nbn3 (va. 16), cf, HIH'' '3 , 1 Sam. 26 : 19 E ; c/. also 2 Sam. 20 : 19 ; 21 : 3.
OTlbKnTKbta (v8.17),JinJudg. 18:6,9; ISam. 29:9; for2Sam. 19:28 see§6,o); In Hexa-
tench E. T\^T\^ ?Q . J in Gen. 16 : 7, 11, bnt Exod. 3:2; Numb. 22 : 22 •qq, doubtful ; E3 in Gen.
22:11, ibid, 15 RJK. Other old passages are Judg. 2:1a; 5:23; 6:11 •q,; 13:3, 13, 15 9qq,; for
2 Sam. 24:16 see above, g 2, 6). n^^T? (▼&. 13), cf, the simUar form in Numb. 7:89 (P) ; Esek.
2:2; 48:6. DtpIJI iibid.), cf* Gen. 42:21 E. ^^7. (ts. 15), in Piel; cf, 2 Chron. 32:18: Neh.
6 :9, 14. npK iibid,), in Hexateuch E. nn&9*(TSS. 12, 15, 17) is indeed a sign of J, but its
genuineness is not free from doubt, since LXX in vs. 17 presupposes 7Vi^ ; see Wellhausen,
Die BUcher Samuelii^ ad loc, Vss. 15-17 carry the woman back to her plea on behalf of her
boy and should perhaps come between tss. 7 and 8. ^VD3 *^n (^* 19), cf, 1 Sam. 1 :26 (E*) ;
17:55 (E). b'^tatDm "ptan (va. 19); cf, D's bXtttDI r^^ mo (Driver. IntroducHon,
p. 101, note 30).
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Notes on the Composition op 2 Samuel 159
npbrt (vs. 30; see above on 2:16), and in the construction of
pij with b (c/. Holzinger, Einleitungj p. 107). For vs. 326 c/.
1 Sam. 20:8 (RJ^).
b) The remaining chapters (15 sqq.) proceed with the account
of the revolt. Absalom steals the hearts of all Israel (15:6) and
four years later (vs. 7, LXX) raises the standard in Hebron. At
the trumpet-call he is to be proclaimed king. Gradually the men
of Israel fall away to him, and David, accompanied only by the
Cherethites, Pelethites, and 600 Qittites, is forced to flee. Absa-
lom and all Israel come to Jerusalem (16:15), and a council of
war is held with the elders (c/. 17:4, 14a). David is informed of
their plans and hurriedly crosses over the Jordan to Mahanaim
(17:22, 24). A fight ensues, Absalom is killed, and all Israel
return to their homes (18:176y c/. 19:96). All the tribes are
in confusion, and finally David, by oflfering to Amasa (Absalom's
general) the post held by Joab, becomes reconciled with Judah,
who come to meet him at Gilgal (19:12-16). David now realizes
that he is king over Israel (vs. 23). A quarrel, however, has
sprung up between Israel and Judah (vss. 42-44), which cul-
minates in the revolt of the Benjamite Sheba (chap. 20). All
Israel follow him, and Judah alone remain faithful to the king.
But the Benjamite is put to flight, and the rising is speedily
quelled by Joab (20:22).
The events in chaps. 15-20, as the above brief outline shows,
do not by any means give the impression that David was then
king over all Israel. If Absalom had all Israel on his side, it
is difficult to see how David could collect a force strong enough
to meet him. Surely he would have been easily defeated. It
seems not improbable, therefore, that the revolt has been exagger-
ated, and that it was Judah alone which took part in the rebellion."
This view is clearly suggested in 19:12 sqq,, and finds support in
the fact that the two leading men in Absalom's rebellion were
men of Judah. Amasa was a Jezreelite ( Jezreel in Judah ; see
Marquart, Fundamente, p. 24, after 17:25, Lucian), and Ahitho-
phel belonged to the south Judean town of Giloh. Further sup-
port is to be found in the choice of Hebron as the meeting-place
of the rebels. Had "all Israel" shared in the revolt, we should
have looked for the rallying-place in Benjamin, or even in a more
u Similarly, e. g., Sayee, The Early HUtory of the Hebretoi, pp. 429 «q. On the part
played by Benjamin in this rerolt see § 6.
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160 Hebbaiga
northerly site, whereas for Judah the old capital would not
unnaturally form the most suitable center.
The land of Geshur, whither Absalom fled, was the home of
his mother Maacah, and, as we have already seen (see above,
§2, c), was situated to the south of Philistine territory ("in
Aram," 15:8, is a gloss). It is perhaps permissible to identify
his mother with the Maacah whose son Achish received David at
Gath."
The tribe of Judah was largely composed of Calebites, Jerah-
meelites, and other non-Israelite peoples of the Negeb (c/. 1 Chron.,
chap. 2, and see Wellhausen, De OentibuSy etc.), and does not
appear to have become prominent before David's time. In Hebron
David would be easily able to retain firm hold upon these clans,
with some of whom he was allied by marriage," and it follows that
it would not be until his removal to Jerusalem that any suitable
opportunity for revolt would present itself to them.
c) Supported by the chronological notices which are found,
the revolt is placed in the last decade of David's reign {cf. Stade,
Geschichte, Vol. I, p. 284, note 1 ; Kittel, Vol. II, p. 175, note).
These notices are four in number. In the first (13:28a) the
expression DTQ"' DTttlDb (two years, ». e., after the outrage upon
Tamar) may point to E (Gen. 41:1). For 13:386 (Absalom in
Geshur two years) and 14:28a (Absalom in Jerusalem two years)
see above, ad loc. The fourth is 15:7a, which states that four
(so LXX) years elapsed between the time when Absalom openly
revolted (by preparing his fifty chariots and men) and his depar-
ture to Hebron. Although these doubtless rest upon some (late?)
chronological scheme," they cannot be unreservedly accepted in
our narrative. The general tenor of the chapters supports a date
previous to the great campaigns in chaps. 8 and 10 (c/. above,
§ 2, c), and it is preferable to place the revolt shortly after David
M Maacah reoars as the name of a concubine of Caleb (1 Chron. 2 :48), and Tamar (Absa-
lom's sister) is the name of a town in the south of Paleetine (Eoek. 48 : 28) . Talmai (Abealom's
grandfather) is also the name borne by a Hebronite giant whom Caleb expelled (Josh. 15 : 14),
and David himself, according to Winckler, was a Calebite. It is possible, moreoyer, that
the names of the other Hebronite giants, Sheshai and Ahiman, are identical with the
Jerahmeelite Sheshan and Ahban (pnK=''p3nK) in 1 Chron. 2:29,31.
>7 For David's attitude to others cf, g 2, d).
ss If , in the present arrangement of the MT, Tamar 's outrage occurred shortly after the
birth of Solomon, and the events in 1 Kings, chap. 1, were referred to the year after Absalom's
revolt, it is conceivable that this scheme rests upon an old tradition that Solomon was twelve
years old when he came to the throne; cf. Nestle {ZATW.^ Vol. II, p. 812), who, instead of
the /our years in 15:7, reckons the three in 21:1, and the one implied in 24:8; see also
Kaufmann, ibid,^ Vol. Ill, p. 185. If we prefer to reckon the four years in 15:7, it would
appear that this scheme ignores chaps. 21-24.
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NOTBS ON THE OOMPOSITION OF 2 SaMUEL 161
had settled in Jemsalem. It was posBibly this very action which
caused or encouraged the rising. A close examination of the
chapters comprising this section will show that the narrative
bears several traces of later revision. A tendency to include in
the revolt the northern tribes (under the designation "Israel")
may be especially noticed.
d) Chap. 15 narrates the commencement of Absalom's revolt.
He prepares a chariot and horses and fifty men to run behind
him (vs. 1). He secretly gains the hearts of all the men of
Israel who come to Jerusalem for justice by alleging that there is
none to hear their cause (yss. 2-6). Finally he obtains permis-
sion from David to go to Hebron, and prepares for revolt (vss.
7 sqq.). Now, vs. 1 compared with 1 Kings 1 : 6 shows that Absa-
lom's deed was in itself a sign of open revolt, whereas vss. 2-6
represent the preparations as gradual. The latter, however,
includes "Israel" in the revolt (c/. vss. 26, 6), and may, therefore,
be secondary, perhaps E (ib 333, vs. 6; of. Gen. 31:20 E).
Again, vs. 7 ("and Absalom said," etc.) reads like another
account of the commencement of the revolt,^ and may be older
than vs. 1. It is hardly likely that Absalom would have been
able to depart for Hebron after openly revolting, and it is possible
that vs. 1 has been derived from 1 Kings 1:6. The notice of
the sending of the spies throughout all Israel in vs. 10 is probably
also due to E; for the characteristic D^'b^^ see on 10:3 above
(§ 3) ^)9 note). The narrative continues with the flight of David
and the interview with Ittai the Gittite (vs. 19, '**T53 in Hezateuch
E and D). The passage relating the meeting with Zadok and
Abiathar is twofold, and appears to be fragmentary: (1) the ark
is brought to David, but is sent back (vss. 24-26, 29) ; (2) the
priests, accompanied by their sons (vs. 27, "your two sons with
you"), are told to return to Jerusalem, and David undertakes
to tarry at the fords until tidings reach him. It is quite con-
ceivable that (1) has been introduced by a later editor unable
to see how Zadok and Abiathar could be mentioned apart from
the ark.*** On the other hand, the close relation between vss. 28a
and 30b, and the fact that in vs. 23b (Lucian) the people are
passing before the king along the way to the " Olive," at which,
according to vs. 18b {of. LXX, and on the text see Wellhausen,
^ The ohronologloal notioe (ts. 7a) may be an Insertion in aooordanoe with the scheme
referred to above.
M We mnst also admit the existence of fflossee ; cf. Wellhansen, Bndde, ad loc.
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162 Hebbaiga
Driver, ad foe.), they had already arrived, makes it probable that
the whole passage has been loosely inserted. The order of the
names of the priests may be noticed ; Abiathar was in reality the
older priest, and Zadok did not attain priority nntil after Solomon's
accession (c/. 1 Bongs 2:35).
David then goes up by the ascent of the " Olive " and hears of
Ahithophel's treachery (vs. 31 ; for biO cf. on 24:10 above, § 2,
a), note). He commissions Hoshai to pervert the counsel of the
Gilonite and tells him " whatsoever thou shalt hear out of the
king's house, thou shalt tell it to Zadok and Abiathar the priests"
(vs. 35), The latter by means of their sons will keep David
informed (vs. 36; of. vs. 27). Passing over for the present the
interviews with Ziba and Shimei (16:1-14), we find Absalom
and Ahithophel in Jerusalem (16:15), where they meet Hushai,
who is able to explain away his apparent faithlessness to David
(vss. l&sqq.). Hushai is designated the "Archite" (■'SIR), an
ethnic of uncertain origin, possibly derived from some locality
in the Negeb. His title "friend of David" (TIT HJ^) is not
clear; it was perhaps used generally of David's south Judean
clients or associates [cf. 1 Sam. 30:26o).** In vs. 17 HJ^ is
employed in its ordinary sense (David is Hushai's rU^): the
writer of this verse was apparently unaware of its use as a title,
and when in the following verse Hushai speaks of Absalom's
seizure of the throne as the choice of Yahweh and "all the men
of Israel," it is difficult to avoid seeing in vss, 17 sq. a redactional
insertion,
e) Chaps. 16:20 — 17:23 narrate the advice given by Ahitho-
phel and Hushai. That of the former is twofold. His first coun-
sel (vss. 21-23), to which reference is made in the late 12: 11 sqq."
was acted upon by Absalom. The incident, however, must be taken
in connection with 15:16 and 20:3, the necessary notices of the
wives and concubines left behind in Jerusalem. Now, neither of
these belongs to the original narrative. The former is obviously
a gloss (observe 15: 17a = 16a) ; on the latter see below, § 5, a) ;
and the use of tfJil and iW in both suggests E {cf Judg. 2:21 —
3:1, and see Budde, p, 158). In fact, Ahithophel's first counsel
41 In Gen. 26:26 (J) "friend" is the title of an oflSoer of Abimeleoh the Gerarite;
similarly in 1 Kings 4:5 it appears to haye a purely ofiScial application.
42 Chap. 12 : 7 sg., 10-12 is the only passage which ooold make us place the narratlTe of
David and Bathsheba before the revolt. In all probability it should belong later, toward
the close of David's life.
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Notes on the Composition op 2 Samuel 163
is wholly independent of the context and may be safely omitted
from the oldest form of the narrative.
The story of Ahithophel's second counsel (17:1-4),** and the
manner in which it is perverted by Hushai (vss. 5 sqq,), is par-
ticularly complicated and diflScult. Ahithophel advises prompt
action. David has but few men with him, and if he is killed these
will return to Absalom "like a bride retumeth to her husband"
(vs. 3, LXX). This advice is politic and consistent, but is frus-
trated by Hushai, who counsels delay, with the result that Ahitho-
phel in despair goes to his home and hemgs himself (vs. 23). It
would appear that Hushai wished to give David an opportunity
of strengthening his power, although one fails to see how David
could hope to do this, especially as he takes refuge in Ammon,
which, according to the received view, he had formerly decimated.
Hushai counsels Absalom to gather Israel from "Dan to Beer-
sheba" (vs. 11; c/. above on 3:10, § 1, 6), but Absalom has
already gained over all the people (c/. 16:15; 17:14, 24). If
Hushai's advice had been preferred, it must have been acted upon
after Absalom had crossed the Jordan, since from vs. 24 it appears
that the latter was in close pursuit of David. Finally, in spite of
AhithopheFs defeat, the fact remains that Hushai's counsel need
never have been given. It is not alluded to in vs. 21, and, not-
withstanding the approval of Absalom and "all the men of
Israel" (vs. 14), it does not appear to have been followed: vs.
21, indeed, clearly showing that it was upon hearing Ahitho-
phel's advice, and that alone, that David fled across the Jordan.
Several less important diflSculties and inconcinnities are found
in the account of the spies, vss. 15-20. In vss. 15, 16 Hushai
tells the priests of the advice tendered by Ahithophel and him-
self. The scene suddenly shifts to En-rogel, where Jonathan
and Ahimaaz are in regular communication with David (vs. 17,
the tenses ate frequentative). This implies that vss. 17 and
15 sq. are not from the same hand, or that there is a lacuna
between vss. 16 and 17. Again, in vs. 20a Absalom's servants
know at once where the spies are concealed, which suggests
that the scene is still laid at En-Bogel. Possibly two traditions
have been combined ; the one placed the spies and the well at
a woman's house in En-Bogel, the other at a man's house in
Bahurim.
48 The ** moreoTer " of 17 : 1 EV is misleading.
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164 Hbbbaiga
From a consideration of the difficolties in 16:20 — 17:23 it id
probable that we may discover three strands in the narrative:
(a) Ahithophel counsels immediate action ; the spies hear of this
and tell David, who at once crosses the Jordan (16:20(?); 17:
1-4 ... . 17-22); (13) a later hand has told how Ahithophel's
advice was frustrated by Hushai (17:5-14, 23) ; finally there has
been added (7) the nefarious advice of Ahithophel (16:21-23),
the writer of which is no doubt responsible for those passages
with which it is so closely connected (see above). Of the three
(a) is doubtless the oldest, and to the editor who inserted (/8)
we owe the harmonizing link 17:15, 16, and probably also 15:
27, 28, 36, 36. It is not impossible even that he is also the
author of 15:31-34; 16:16-19.
/) The conclusion of the chapter narrates David's arrival in
Mahanaim and his hospitable reception at the hands of Shobi,
Machir, and Barzillai ( 17 : 24-29 ; with 296 c/. 16 : 26) . Absalom
passes over the Jordan and makes Amasa ^^ captain of the host"
in the place of Joab (17:25a; cf. 1 Kings 2:32). The latter
statement is intelligible only on the assumption that there existed
at this time an ''army " or ''host" (M32E), such as is mentioned in
the account of the great wars (chaps. 8, 10), and that Absalom
had control over it ; in other words, that all Israel was on his side.
It has always been difficult to understand David's favorable
reception among the Ammonites, whom, according to the MT
arrangement of 2 Samuel, he had previously crushed. It is pre-
carious to base any argument of relationship upon the fact
that Nahash appears both as an Ammonite and Judean name
(2 Sam. 10:2; 17:256), since in the latter passage the correct
reading is no doubt "Jesse" (see Elostermann, ad loc.). Of the
three names mentioned in 17:27 that of Shobi (ben Nahash)
alone is unknown. Now, the omission of the verb after "Maha-
naim" makes the verse unbearably heavy ,^ and in accordance
with Hebrew idiom one expects in place of ^D,W^ a verb in the
imperfect with wow consecutive. For "and Shobi ben Nahash"
(wre "p ■'3TD1) should we not read "and Nahash .... brought"
(• • ' • ^rO ^R1*H) ? "p was inserted before 1003 to make sense
after Kl"^*) had become corrupted to "^HISI . This Nahash of
Babbah is the king mentioned in 10:1 8g., a chapter which has
«« Bndde, 8B0T,^ and others read I^HH &t the beffinniDg of ys. 28, but the oonstruotioQ
is still awkward ; for a parallel c/. the late 2 ChroD. 31 :6.
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NOTBS ON THE COMPOSITION OF 2 SaMUEL 165
been taken (on other grounds) to refer to a time following the
revolt of Absalom ; and we are now able to understand the nature
of the kindness which Hannn's father had shown to David, and
which the latter was so eager to repay.
g) Ohap. 18 narrates the fight between Absalom and David.
The army of the latter, according to Josephus {Antiquities, vii,
10, 1), numbered 4,000 men, which from its extreme moderation
invites confidence (c/. Mez, JosephuSy p. 76). With the excep-
tion of vss. 6-8 the chapter hangs round Absalom. Here the
wood in which Absalom met his death becomes one which causes
the loss of more men than the battle itself. Its name is variously
given as the "wood of Ephraim" (MT) or "Mahanaim" (Luc);
Josephus, on the other hand, locates the fight in the Great Plain
(c/. vs. 236). It was probably wanting in the original narrative,
and in vs. 66 we should read simply IT;? ; cf, Budde, SBOT.,
ad loc.
Absalom's death is ascribed in vs. 14 to Joab, but in vs. 15 to
Joab's armor-bearers. It is difficult to evade this inconsistency,
since the statement in vs. 15 is clear and precise (H"^}!, not
nntS as in 1:10), and it is at least remarkable that neither here
nor in David's final charge to Solomon (1 Kings, chap. 2) is
there anything to support vs. 14. It is difficult to treat vs. 15 as
a gloss, and if we bear in mind such passages as 8: 29, 39 ; 16: 10,
etc., which are filled with bitterness against Joab, it becomes
easier to suppose that vs. 15 is original, and that vs. 14 represents
a later polemical tradition.
The latter part of the chapter tells how the news of Absalom's
death reached David. Of "np^on " the Cushite " we know nothing,
unless the name be an old error for '^'V^ "Hushai." "Cush"
may very probably refer to the Arabian tribe of that name, and
the Cushite bearer of bad tidings finds a parallel in the Amalekite
of chap. 1.
In chap. 19 David, mourning the fate of his favorite son, is
persuaded to show himself to his people. Vss. 96-11, 126** are
an insertion to magnify the size of the rebellion ; note the men-
tion of "Israel" in vs. 96 (c/. 18:176), and 1^, vs. 10 (the verb
in Hexateuch only E). David sends to Zadok and Abiathar to
persuade the elders of Judah to recall him, and by ofiFering to
Amasa the position formerly held by Joab is ultimately reconciled
4S Vs. 126 is misplaced and should follow immediately upon vs. U.
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166 Hebbaiga
to his subjects. Now Amasa is expressly associated with Jndah
(e/. 1 Kings 2:32), and seems to have possessed considerable
influence over the tribe ; and unless we are to suppose that David
had already become king over the northern tribes, his oflPer is
equivalent to investing him with a post which he already held.
The rebellion has now ended, the men of Judah come to
Gilgal, and David returns to the Jordan (vs. 16). The rest of
the chapter is taken up with David's interviews with Shimei,
Mephibosheth, and Barzillai, and ends with the commencement
of Sheba's rising.
§5. Chapters 19:41—20:22: Shebas revolt— a) When
Judah had become reconciled with David and had come to con-
duct the king over the Jordan, only half Israel accompanied them
(19:41) . A certain ill-feeling had sprung up between the North
and South which culminated in the revolt of Sheba the Bichrite.**
He is followed by all Israel, and Judah alone, "from the Jordan to
Jerusalem,"*' remains faithful to David. David returns to Jerusa-
lem and sends Amasa to collect the men of Judah (19:42 — 20:4).
Such is the commencement of the new revolt. It presents an
entirely new situation, which does not harmonize with the impres-
sion left after the reconciliation of David with his people. It
presupposes a wholly different disruption, and one, indeed, which
is scarcely credible when we recollect the eager longing expressed
by Israel for th0 return of David (19:12). It is highly probable
that here again the size of the revolt has been magnified and that
from the LXX of 20: 14 we may obtain a more intelligible idea of
the size of Sheba's following. From this verse we learn that
Sheba was attended only by his clansmen, the Bichrites (c/.
Driver, ad loc,)^ a representation which is in obvious harmony
with the continuation of the story in vss. 15 sqq. Here Sheba
with his small following is put to flight and finds refuge in Abel-
beth-Maacah. The city is besieged by Joab, and to save them-
selves the inhabitants cut off Sheba's head. Thus the short-lived
rebellion ceases and Joab returns in victory to the king (20:22).
The chapter ends with a (misplaced) list of oflScers almost iden-
tical with that in 8:16 sqq.; see above, § 2, c).
M It is a yery probable oonjeotare that Saul also belonflred to the Biohrites (in 1 Sam.
10:21 read '^'^Dl for '^'^tS'O. «nd cf. Marqnart, FundametUe^ p. 14). The only other Ben-
jamite dan-name mentioned in Samnel is Gera, to which belon^d the well-known Shimei.
47 The "Jordan " seems to represent a river on the sonth border of Jndah ; cf, Winckler,
Geschichte, Vol. I, p. 174, note 2.
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Notes on the Composition op 2 Samuel 167
Now, VBS. 14-22 form a continuous and straightforward
account of the end of Sheba's revolt, and in all probability may
be assigned to E.^ The original commencement, on the other
hand, can with difficulty be determined, inasmuch as there are
several signs of redaction and insertion. A trace of this is seen,
for example, in the artificial ''half Israel" in 19:416, and in the
"fen (or eleven^ Josephus, Antiquities, VII, 11:5) parts," 19:44,
an obvious reference to the tribes that fell away under Jeroboam.
The idea that "Joseph" is first-bom rather than " Judah" (vs. 44 ;
for text c/. SBOT.) is naturally Ephraimite (c/. Gen., chap. 48 ;
1 Chron. 5:1 sg.). Chap. 20:1b and 26 are almost identical with
1 Kings 12:16, 20b, and the writer seems to have in his mind a
recollection of the separation of the two kingdoms. In fact, the
account of Sheba's rising has been artificially affixed to the close
of the revolt of Absalom, and the hand of the redactor who is
responsible for this is to be seen again in the statement that David
returned to Jerusalem (vs. 3a),** and explains the inconsistency
between 19:41 sq. (Judah with David), and 20:4 (Amasa collects
Judah). If Sheba revolted when David was at Gilgal, why was
it necessary to collect the men of Judah who were already with
David, and why should David return to Jerusalem ? If, on the
other hand, Sheba's rising was quite independent of Absalom's
revolt, and occurred when David was in Jerusalem, the summon-
ing of Judah is quite intelligible.
b) The confused state of the commencement of the revolt is
self-evident. In vss. 4 sq, Amasa is sent to collect Judah in three
days, but stays beyond the time allotted. Abishai is sent in
pursuit of Sheba, and is accompanied by Joab (vss. 6 sq.j in vs.
7a read "'WSR -^nn^ ISS'^1 with Budde, 8B0T.), the Cherethites
and Pelethites. Vss. 8 sqq. deal with the murder of Amasa, whom
we find, strangely enough, in Gibeon. The account of Amasa's
murder (vss. 8-lOa, ll-13a) is scarcely original in its present
position ; one may note the reiterations (vss. 76, 106, 136) which
^bnp) (ys. 146 K«ri) in Hexateaoh D (Deut. 4:10; 81:12) and P, bat once E in Exod.
82:1 ibrp^J in Gen. 49:6; Numb. 22:4, bnt E in Numb. 16:38; 20:4). bXntD'^ *^ytD
(ibid,), c/5:l above, §2, d). np?n (ts. 16), see on 18:8 (§4,o). n^SK (V8. 17) E, cf,
Holzinger, EiiHeitung, p. 188. Hin*^ tlbnS (vs- 10). see 1 Sam. 26:19 (E); 2 Sam. 14:16
(§ 4a) ; 21 : 8 (§ 8a). On ts. 19 cf. Dent. 20 : 10«q. In vs. 14 we shonld possibly transpose and
read **and all the Bichrites gathered together and came after him, and they went through
all the tribes,** etc. Vs. 15 does not follow immediately upon ts. 14. In the latter the sub-
ject to the yerb Lb ** the Bichrites ; *' in vs. 15a it is obriously Joab and his followers.
^The rest of the Terse is also due to an editor; cf, above on 16 : 15 f 99., § 8, e). bsbs
"to nourish" is peculiar to E in theHexateuch (Gen. 45:11; 47:12; 50:21).
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168 Hbbbaioa
remain when it is omitted, and the harmonizing link vb. 11. It is,
nevertheless, not impossible that there may have been an inde-
pendent story of Amasa (J?), and fragments of it may be pre*
served in Lncian's version of 20:7a (''and Amasa collected all
the people"), bnt his association with Sheba's revolt is hardly
genuine.
In vs. 6 for "Abishai " the Peshitta, followed by many critics^
reads "Joab."** Budde {8B0T.)y however, supports the MT.
By charging Abishai, he observes, David is snre that Joab
will not remain behind, and the fact that Joab soon takes the
leadership into his own hands follows as a matter of coarse.
But, as Driver, Samuel^ ad loc., points out, we need a preparation
for Joab's mention in vs. 8. Joab alone is opposed to Sheba in
the continuation of the narrative, and so it must have stood in the
original narrative before it had been affixed to the story of Absa-
lom's revolt. The redactor, however, was obliged to remove
Joab's name in view of the preceding 19:14b, and possibly, too,
introduced the account of Amasa's death in order to explain his
absence in vss. 14 sqq. The emended 'ID'*^ "nilM in vs. 7a (see
above) is a redactional gloss, as also is Tn» ■^''381 in vs. 10.
The resemblance which vs. 10b bears to 2:24a leads to the dis-
covery of several points of contact between the story of Amasa
and Sheba in chap. 20 and that of Abner and Ishbaal in chap.
2. Both Abner and Sheba are followed by Benjamin (2:25;
20:14). The murders of Asahel and Amasa are narrated in very
similar terms (2: 23 sq.; 20: 10a, 12, 13a) . Gibeon recurs in each
{2:12 sq.; 20:8); and the end of the war is similarly described
(2:28; 20:22b). Hence it is possible that the same redactor
has worked at both chape. 2 sq. and 20. Amasa and Abner are
to a certain extent parallel characters, the former ''captain of
the host of Judah," the latter "captain of the host of Israel;"
each possessed considerable influence, and, though separated
from one another by a score of years, in the received chronolc^y
are mentioned together in 1 Kings 2:5, 32 (the same redactor
here?).
c) It is not easy to fix the approximate date of Sheba's revolt,
more especially since Amasa's connection with it is a later feature.
At all events, the northern tribes are treated with leniency, and,
as Winckler has observed, do not yet appear to be under David's
M Lncian : aM««v«, i, e., **AxDaMi.'*
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NOTBS ON THE COMPOSITION OP 2 SaMUEL 169
sway — in other words, David has not yet become king over all
Israel {Geschichte, Vol. I, p. 174).
Since reason has been found for separating the narratives of
Absalom and Sheba, it is useful to observe where Absalom's revolt
ceases in the present MT. It must be one of the two closely
related verses, 19:16 or 41, where Judah has come to escort
David over the Jordan. It can hardly be the latter, however,
since this is due to the redactor who is preparing the way for
the introduction of Sheba's revolt. The narrative, accordingly,
ends abruptly in 19:16 with the short notice of the arrival of the
men of Judah at Gilgal. May it be conjectured that a writer
concluded with the description of some such solemn festival or
renewal of the kingdom as is mentioned in 1 Sam. 11:14 aq, (also
at Gilgal) ?
Of more importance for our present purpose is the corollary
that the interviews in 19:11 sqq. do not belong to the original
account of Absalom's revolt. This is the more suggestive since
the corresponding interviews in chap. 16 also show traces of
having been inserted; cf, the doublets 15:37" (Lucian adds
"and Ahithophel with him") and 16:15.
§ 6t The tntervtetDS in chaps. 16, 19. — The interviews in ques-
tion deal with Ziba, Meribbaal, Shimei, and Barzillai, all Ben-
jamites, with the exception of the last-named, and closely related
to the house of Saul.
a) The passages in 2 Samuel which refer to Meribbaal the
son of Jonathan, and Ziba his servemt, comprise chaps. 9 (and
4:4); 16:1-4 ; 19:25-31 (in 19:18a the mention of Ziba is due
to a gloss), and 21:7 (gloss ; see above § 8, a). These mutually
related passages are independent of the rest of the book. In
16:1 David leaves Hushai and meets Ziba at the top of the
"Olive." Meribbaal, he is told, is remaining in Jerusalem in
the hope that the "house of Israel" (vs. 36; cf. on 1:12) would
restore to him his father's kingdom. It is proper to ask whether
the Benjamite claimant would expect to find support By remain-
ing in Jerusalem. It is difficult to understand what interests
Judah and Benjamin may have shared, and unlikely as any con-
joint action would be toward the close of David's reign, it becomes
almost impossible if we are right in dating the revolt soon after
David settled in Jerusalem. Would Absalom tolerate a rival in
61 Where " dty " in a = " Jenualem " in 6.
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170 Hebbaiga
the shape of another claimant, or did he hope to conciliate Benja-
min and thus obtain a free hand in his own plans, which, we have
concluded, were with Judah alone? No adequate explanation
seems possible. In 19:25-31 Meribbaal comes to meet David at
the Jordan, and is able to find an excuse for his apparent treach-
ery. But David is only half convinced, and his estate is divided
with his servant." Whatever be its true origin, this passage at all
events is hardly in its original position. In fact, it seems not
improbable that, like chap. 9, the scene was originally laid in
Jerusalem. This is still represented in the LXX of vs. 26, where
Meribbaal comes to David "/o Jerusalem" (so also Lucian; MT
simply obwiT, for which most critics read "T^, see Driver,
ad loc.) ;" and again in 25b Lucian rightly reads ''until the day
he came in peace to Jerusalem." The changes in the MT were
rendered necessary when the passage was inserted in its present
position.
b) The interviews with Shimei are of greater importance.
In 16:5 sgg. Shimei encounters David at Bahurim, and follows
him with curses. His words in 8a are clearly a reference to the
slaughter of Saul's sons by the Gibeonites, 21:1-14, on which
passage see § 3, a) . His attitude, on the other hand, is unintelli-
gible. Is his the language one would expect from a Benjamite?
Would not Absalom be as distasteful a king as David had been ?
Why was not Shimei supporting Meribbaal in his endeavor to
recover the throne of his father ? After David's victory Shimei
with a thousand Benjamites joins the men of Judah and meets
the king "as he was about to pass the Jordan" (19: 17 sqq.). In
the interview which follows one may note especially vss. 22 sqq.j
the familiar reproach addressed to the sons of ZJeruiah (c/.
3:28 sg., 39 ; 16:10), and vs. 236, where David seems to realize,
as it were for the first time, that he is king over Israel.** May
not Shimei *s curse and subsequent confession have been written
in view of David's treatment of the sons of Saul (2 Sam., chap.
62 For DTlbKn T^btt (19:28) <^, on 14:17 aboye. §4, o). ^yy (ibid,) E; see Bndde,
p. 145.
6S Josephns, too, states that when the ambassadors came to David he went to Jemsalem
(AntiquitieM, VII, 11 : 2). Cf. also vs. 816 : " unto his own house."
64 Note also ^HlSTb (16 : 18), a late expression. Its repetition is quite unneoessarjr, and
may have arisen from a corruption of the place-name which is needed in vs. 14. VPK
D*^12nn (16 : 7) is found only in Psalms and Proverbs. HTTTl (10 : 20) , <^. 24 : 17 above, 8 *A a) ,
and note that in 1 Kings 8:47 the passage has been worked over by D'; see Kuenen, §25,
note 2. '* Anointed of Yahweh ' * (19 : 22) , see on 1 : 14 ; and for David's words 19 : 236 see 1 Sam.
11:13RJK.
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Notes on thb Composition op 2 Samuel 171
21), and may it not find an analogy in the tradition wherein
David's sin with Bathsheba is atoned by the death of the son (see
above, § 3, b) ? But although we suspect that the interviews with
Shimei are, in their present form at least, later than J (due to
R^?), there is no doubt some genuine tradition in the person
of this Benjamite. It is impossible to conjecture with much
confidence what this may have been. Was Shimei at the head
of some revolt against David? At all events the size of his
following sufficiently indicates his power (2 Sam. 19:18)." The
mention of the "wood of Ephraim" (18:6), apparently to the
east of Jordan, has caused suspicion, and Beuss has suggested,
accordingly, that we may find traces of a combination of two
narratives, in which case it would be natural to connect the revolt
of Absalom with the one, and that of Shimei with the other.
Finally, it may be noticed that the wording of 1 Kings 2:8
compared with tbid, vs. 76 suggests that David's journey to
Mahanaim and his flight from Absalom were not on the same
occasion."
c) Lastly, we have the interview with Barzillai the Gileadite.
In 2 Sam. 17:27 he appears to be in some way associated with
the unknown Bogelim. Now in vs. 28 the LXX read xal ayL^rd-
iroxs {%. e., IT'nan^a^ ; see Driver, Budde, etc.) after 1512313 .
This is supported by Lucian's iic pa/ea/Suvy which appears to be a
misreading of D'^13")!13 (read as D'^15")!13), and a still more cor-
rupt form, it may be conjectured, is to be seen in D'*b3"t53 (MT,
"from Bogelim"), which was erroneously removed to the end of
vs. 27 after it had become corrupt." The writer of 19:32 sqq,
has simply perpetuated the error which he found before him,
and that he belonged to E may be conjectured from his use of
bsbS, vs. 34 (see on 20:3 above, § 5, a). In common with the rest
of these interviews the presence of c is with great probability to
be ascribed to E*'^.
§ 7. i Kings J chaps, 1, 2: the conclusion of the history of
David, — In chap. 1 we have the account of a palace intrigue which
56 One obeeires that the tribes of Geba and Bichri, to which Sliimei and Sheba, respect-
ively, belonged, are the only Benjamite clans mentioned in Samnel. The names of these
Benjamitee are sufficiently similar to lead to the snggestion that some confusion has taken
place.
M Hence one is tempted to find in *m^Q7 (16:13), "Amathus," which was on the way
from Jerusalem to Mahanaim. It is unmentioned in the Old Testament. The Jems. Talm.
identifies with Zaphon Josh. 13 : 27 ; Jud«. 12 : 1, against which see Buhl, Qeogr, PaUUt, P* 259.
" D'*T31t) . accordingly, has been corrupted to D'^bDilTS (MT), and D'^MITS (Lucian),
An intermediate form of the corruption is to be seen in the Peshitta, which read D'^bn'TQ •
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172 Hbbbaioa
culminates in the accession of Solomon to the throne. The frag-
mentary nature of the narrative is evident from the unintelligible
reference to Shimei and Bei in vs. 8, and difficulties have been
found in Nathan's zeal for Bathsheba, in his title '^the prophet/'
and in the account of Solomon's anointing; see Stade, ZATW.j
Vol. Ill, pp. 186 sq.j Schwally, ibid., Vol. XII, p. 158. It is
possible, however, from the double entrance of Bathsheba (vss. 16,
28) and Nathan (vss. 22, 32), that vss. 11-14 and 28^1, which
record Nathan's zeal for Bathsheba, are secondary (see below).
Moreover, the chapter seems to have undergone some redaction
toward the end. Vs. 476 can scarcely belong to Adonijah's
speech; the analogy of Gen. 47:31 suggests rather that David
is on his death-bed.
Chap. 2 relates David's last charges and the means by which
Solomon established his throne. It falls into three parts:
(a) vss. 1-12, (6) vss. 1^35, (c) vss. 36-46.
o) Vss. 3, 4, 10-12 are admittedly due to E^; vs. 2a, "I go
the way of all the earth," may be compared with Josh. 23:14
(D*), and for 26 see 1 Sam. 4:9 (E, pTH "to be courageous," gen-
erally D; see Gesenius-Brown, Hebrew Lexicon, s. v., p. 304o).
Vss. 5-9 remain. For vss. 8 sq. see below, c). The unfriendly
feeling toward Joab (vss. 6 sq.) recurs elsewhere only in passages
whose genuineness is not free from suspicion, and on the associa-
tion of Abner and Amasa, see above on 2 Sam., chap. 20 (§ 5,
6). Vs. 7, it is true, may be old, but the mention of Barzillai in
19:32 sgg. is probably due to a later hand (§6, c). The suspi-
cion which attaches itself to (a) is increased by the parallelism
between 1:476; 2:1, and Gen. 47:31, 29a (J), which suggests
that 2:1 originally stood before 1:476 and has been wrested from
its original position by the writer or editor of (a).
6) Adonijah and the leaders of the revolt are removed. Adoni-
jah requests Bathsheba to induce Solomon to grant him Abishag
as wife (vss. lisqq,). He refers to his having been the legiti-
mate heir, but, in accordance with the view of the deuteronomist
(see 2 Sam. 7 : 12sgg.; 1 Kings 8 : 20 ; D) , acknowledges that Solo-
mon's accession was the choice of Yahweb. His words in vs. 15
directly contradict 1 Kings 1:20, where the king's successor is
unknown. Solomon, more quick-witted than the queen-mother,
perceives the true nature of his brother's request, and has him
put to death ; for vs. 24 see 2 Sam. 7:11, 13. But, one is forced
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Notes on thb Composition op 2 Samuel 178
to ask, is the episode historical ? Adonijah's life has been con-
ditionally spared, and yet he, the onsuccessfal but rightful heir,
goes to the mother of the reigning king with a request which in
the ideas of the age was equivalent to the claim of his brother's
inheritance (see Robertson Smith, Kinship, pp. 89 sg.). The
resemblance which the alleged offense bears to 2 Sam. S:l sqq.;
16:21 sgg., which have been ascribed to a hand later than J, on
other groundSy is noteworthy. The passage connects itself with
the introductory notice of Abishag in 1 Kings 1:1-4 (vs. 166 is
a gloss), and is another proof that chap. 1 has undergone
revision."
Abiathar (vss. 26 sg.) is exiled to his "fields** at Anathoth
(for tXiW vs. 26a; c/. on 9:7 § 3, a), his life is spared, inasmuch
as he had accompanied David in his flight from Saul (1 Sam.
22:20 sgg., J; so Budde), and had borne the ^^ephod*^ (so read
for "ark;" c/. 1 Sam. 23:6, a gloss, and on 2 Sam. 15:24 see
above, § 4, d). His place is taken by Zadok, of whose origin the
earlier writings have nothing to tell us ; it is probable that he
occupied no important position until his promotion by Solomon.
There is little else to observe except the brevity of this notice,
for vs. 27b, at least, is admittedly a gloss.
Joab, hearing the tidings, flees to the "tent of Yahweh"
(a noteworthy expression), and seizes hold of the "horns of the
altar" (vs. 28 ; c/. 1:50). He is slain by Jehoiada, who takes his
post (vss. 28-34). In this passage attention may be drawn to
the idioms "put away innocent blood" (vs. 31 ; c/. Dent. 19:13;
21:8«g.), and "Yahweh shall return his blood," etc. (vs. 32; c/.
Judg. 9:24, 57, RJ»; see Moore, 8B0T.). Joab, like Adoni-
jah, is not put to death for participating in the intrigue; his
crime has been the murder of the two captains Abner and Amasa
(vss. 31 sqq.) ; see above, a), and c/. § 5, 6) . There is also a hint
in vs. 22 that he has been suspected of complicity in Adonijah's
new plot.
c) Lastly, Shimei's life is spared conditionally. Three years
later he goes to Achish, king of Gath (one is surprised to find
him still alive I) in pursuit of some runaway servants, and on his
return is put to death by Benaiah, who has apparently resumed
his former position of "head of the guard" (vss. 36 sqq,; cf. Bonk,
M ThU8 at the end of the chapter for niKI ^TT (▼«. 48) cf, 2 Sam. 24 : 8 (8 2, o), and note
that the "home of the altar" are first mentioned in Jer. 17 :1 (Am. 8: 146 a gloss ; see Well-
hansen, Die kleinen Prapheten [8d edition], p. 78).
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174 Hebbaiga
ZATW., Vol. XI, p. 143). The relation between vss. 44a and
42a, 466 and 456 suggests that 41 1 5 is an insertion (the EV
"moreover" is not found in the MT). David's charge to Solo-
mon concerning Shimei (MT, vss. 8-9) is repeated in the LXX
in a slightly diflferent form immediately before c. Following
Kittel (Vol. II, p. 51) we may prefer the LXX text and arrange-
ment to the present MT. Hence it is to be inferred that the
whole episode (vss. 36-46, preceded by the LXX form of the
introduction) is an independent passage unrelated to 1 Kings,
chap. 2, and that when it was inserted in its present position the
introductory formula was removed and adapted in order to find a
place for it among the charges in vss. Isqq.^ For the other
"Shimei" narratives, see above § 6, 6), and note that WH (2:9)
is perhaps a sign of E (2 Sam. 14:2 ; see § 4, a).
The LXX version of chap. 2 contains much additional matter,
partly derived from later portions of Solomon's history, and, on
the whole, is not of any great value. This arrangement, how-
ever, is of interest, inasmuch as it shows that at a comparatively
late date the work of revision and redaction was not finally com-
pleted. Like 2 Sam., chaps. 5-8, 21-24, with which its hetero-
geneous character makes it a fair parallel, the LXX version of
1 Kings, chap. 2, concludes with a list of officers, which, apart
from its connection with 1 Kings 4:1-6, presents some distinctive
features of its own.
1 Kings, chaps. 1, 2, conclude the history of David and at the
same time introduce Solomon. The chapters have been revised
and adapted to form a link of connection between the history of
David and that of Solomon; already in chap. 1 we seem to be
passing from an old narrator to the redactor. The general
impression of David's weakness conveyed in chap. 1, compared
with his acute calculations in 2:1-9, is as striking as the sud-
den change in Solomon from the helpless infant, in the early part
of chap. 1, to the clever, far-seeing king in chaps. 1:51 sqq,; 2
(c/., e. flr., his treatment of Adonijah*s request). Moreover, there
is much in favor of the view that 1 Kings, chap. 2, has been written
to shift from Solomon's shoulders the bloodshed incurred in estab-
lishing his throne (Wellhausen, Stade, etc.). The improbable
character of the excuse for Adonijah's death, as well as the fact
that the incident of Shimei seems to be an insertion, may be urged
M Cf. Benzinger, KOnige, ad, loc,^ whose commentary nnfortanately appeared too late
for the present writer to make use of In the above section.
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Notes on the Composition op 2 Samuel 175
against those who support the genuineness of chap. 2 on the
grounds that Solomon's conduct was not exclusively determined by
a reference to the revolt. It is a more difficult question to deter-
mine whether a and b (see above) are double attempts to frame an
excuse for Solomon, or whether chap. 2 (as well as the latter part
of chap. 1) owes its present form to repeated revision. In the
former case we may refer to 1 Sam., chaps. 2-4, where both E'
(chaps. 2, 3) and R^ (2:27-36) have paved the way for the loss of
the ark, which the earliest writer (E*) had related without com-
ment." In the latter case the suggestion that c is a later addition
leads to the conjecture that the passages referring to Adonijah
and Joab have had a similar origin, and that in 2 : 35 we have
an old fragment upon which 2:5,6,28-34 and 2:26,27 have
been based.
Perhaps the second alternative is more probable. The double
entrance of Bathsheba (1:15, 28) and Nathan (1:22, 32), abeady
referred to, may arise from the fact that the original sequel to
Adonijah's revolt has been replaced by vss. 28 aqq. This may
account for the suddenness with which Solomon appears to take
the place of David. That 1:476 and 2:1 are not in their original
position has been suggested above. In chap. 2 we find old frag-
ments in 2:1, 7 (?), and 35. To these have been added (a)
Adonijah 's request, 2:13-25, which involves 1:1-4, 156, and pos-
sibly 1:50-53, (6) Joab, 2:5, 6, 28-34, (c) Abiathar, 2:26, 27,
and (d) Shimei, 2: 8, 9, 36 sqq. The verses which remain (2:2-4,
10-12, 44, 45) are probably from R^.
§ 8i Oeneral results, — Frequently in the course of the pre-
ceding pages the present writer has found it impossible to do
more than point out the difficulties which a passage contained, or
indicate traces of interpolation and revision. To present a sys-
tematic and precise table of the results of these investigations
would hardly be possible at the present stage of the inquiry, and
it must suffice for the present to sum up briefly the general con-
clusions which have been reached.
The large amount of revision which we have found makes it
probable that there were several recensions of David's life extant.
"Such books as Samuel .... had little place in the synagogue
service, while the interest of the narrative caused them to be
largely read in private. But private study gave no such guarantee
00 It might also be noticed that both Lucian and Josephos end their books of Samuel at
lKin«8 2:ll.
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176 Hbbbaioa
against the introduction of varions readings as was afforded by
use in public worship .... a student might not hesitate to
make on his own copy notes or small additions .... or even to
add a paragraph Under such circumstances, and in the
absence of official supervision, the multiplication of copies opened
an easy door to the multiplication of errors" (Robertson Smith,
The Old Testament in the Jewish Church [2d edition], p. 84). If
these remarks are true of the copyist, do they not apply equally
to the editor, and if such a procedure opens the door to the mul-
tiplication of textual errors, does it not supply an easy entrance
for later accretions ? The figure of David is one that would very
naturally lend itself to vigorous treatment at the hands of later
writers. Was the chronicler really the first to idealize David ?
Turning to the narratives themselves we find traces of two
distinct redactors, a later one, whose hand is seen especially in
chaps. 5-8, 21-24, 16:20-23, and the related passages, 15:16;
20:3, and an earlier (R^^?), seen chiefly in chaps. 1-4, and
Absalom's revolt. In the revolt, the hand which added the
interviews with Meribbaal is probably responsible for the intro-
duction of chap. 9. It is in the chapters worked over by the
earlier redactor that we find passages which bear traces of
Ephraimite origin tending to combine the histories of David and
the house of Saul ; they emphasize the former's good-will toward
the latter, and betray here and there a marked bitter feeling
toward the sons of Zeruiah.
Finally, we may note the efforts made to antedate David's
supremacy over all Israel. The editors of chaps. 5-8, 21-24
(a collection of passages relating to various periods of David's
life) made it the immediate result of Ishbaal's death (§ 3, a).
The editor of chaps. 15-20 ascribed it to a period preceding
the revolts of Absalom and Sheba. Both, originally, were purely
tribal, and have been revised to adapt them to a period when
David's sovereignty was extended over "all Israel," a record
of which event is not given by any old narrator. The inclusion
of "Israel" in Absalom's rebellion is connected with the append-
ing of Sheba's rising, and to this hand we may perhaps ascribe
the removal of the Ammonite war (chap. 10) from its original
position after the revolt (c/. §4). Since chape. 21-24 are a
comparatively late addition to 2 Samuel, it follows that, when the
account of David and Bathsheba was artificially connected with
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Notes on the Composition op 2 Samuel 177
the Ammonite war (§ 3, b), it must have stood immediately before
1 Kings, chap. 1. The birth of Solomon probably happened but a
short while before the revolt of Adonijah, and the event may
have been accompanied by some such promise as is referred to in
1 Kings 1:13; 17:30.
Prom these evidences we draw two conclusions : (1) the union
of Judah and Israel under one king did not occur at any early
date in David's reign, and (2) the narratives in 2 Samuel which
presuppose any close relationship between Judah and Israel (or
Benjamin) previous to this union are due to a redactor (R^^?),
and, in several cases at least, as is only to be expected, seem to
be derived from an Ephraimite source. Subsequent history
shows how loose was the union of North and South, and the ease
with which the separation was effected after a few years of joint
rule under David and Solomon (considered in the light of the
second conclusion) favors the view that Judah, previous to the
union, had never stood in any close relationship to Israel (or
Benjamin), a view which, if not new, is now perhaps shown to
be supported, so far as 2 Samuel at least is concerned, by the
internal evidence of the ivarratives themselves. A discussion of
the bearing of this view upon the earlier history of Israel in
1 Samuel must be reserved for a future occasion."
01 The above wonld argue against David's connection with Bethlehem. A home to the
sonth of Judah seems to be required, and if exogamy was really the custom in Judah— and
certain indications point that way —we could determine to what clans David did not belong.
Marquart*s conjecture that he came from Arad may imply Jerahmeelite origin (c/. arts.
David, §1, note 2, Jerahmeel, in the Encyclopaedia Biblica). Winckler, however, suggests
that the Judean clans came from the north-Arabian land of Mufri, of which Kadesh, it is
highly probable, would form part. In agreement with this, we find in JE^s account of the
exodus traces of a movement from Kadesh direct to Judah, in connection with which we
may place the capture of Hebron by Caleb (cf. Hebron, Kadesh, op. cit.). This seems to
find further confirmation in the names of David*s body-guard. The ** Cherethites " remind
Us of the wady Cherith "" before Jordan,'* i. e., to the south of Judah (1 Kings 17 :3 ; cf.2 Sam.
20:2, §5a, and art. Cherith, op. cit.), and with the *' Pelethites ** we associate the Jerah-
meelite "Peleth" (lChron.2:38); cf. "Peleth" in Korah's rebellion, Numb. 16:1 ("sons"
[or '*son,'* LXX, Lucian] of Reuben" should come after **£liab*' [so in some Greek MSS.
cited by Holmes and ParsonsJ). May we conjecture that David lived in Mu^ri before he
took the steps wliich led him north to Hebron, and then farther north again to Jerusalem Y
His intercourse with Achisb (1 Sam., chap. 27) we need not doubt ; at a later time we find
Yamani of Ashdod, the leader of the Qa-at-ti (the south-Palestinian HittitesY) taking
refuge in Mu^ri (cf. art. Ashdod, op. cit.) ; friendly intercourse between Mu^ri and the
Philistines was not unknown. That a later age placed David^s youth in the district where
he afterward reigned is not surprising. 1 Sam., chaps. 16-81, has been thoroughly revised
(it would not be difficult, for exeunple, to show that chap. 27 is the continuation of 23 : l-13a,
14&), and this is Ulustrated in a striking manner by a glance at Budde^s text in the 8BOT.
The source of David's history at Saul's court is almost wholly E, in his life as an outlaw in
the south of Judah J predominates, and his fortunes as an independent chieftain (chaps.
27«9g.) are wholly J. Later tradition, not unmindful of David's home, brought him to
the 8<iuth of Judah, and, if we may retain the reading in 25:1, actually sent him to the
wilderness of Paran, which is practically the district of Kadesh— or Mu^ri.
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^y
THREE INSCRIPTIONS OF NABOPOLASSAR, KING OP
BABYLONIA (B. C. 625-604).
By Pbeston P. Bbuge,
The UniTeraity of Ghicaffo.
No. I of the inBcriptions published below in transcription and
translation is from the text published by Hilprecht in his Old
Babylonian Inscriptions, Chiefly from Nippur, Part I (1893), 32
sq,, No. 84, cited in Delitzsch, HWB,, Preface, p. vii, as Nabopol.
HiLPB.' The original is inscribed on a "pointed clay cylinder,"
described by Hilprecht as a "cylinder of baked clay, cartridge-
shaped, hollow, small hole at the top, .... height 15.2, diameter
of base 8.85, diameter of hole 2.2.*' The cylinder came from
Babylon, and is now in the Babylonian museum of the University
of Pennsylvania, where it bears the catalogue number 9090. A
fine half-tone photographic reproduction may be seen on Plate
XIII, No. 34, of the volume cited above.
The variants are from a clay cylinder in the British Museum,
numbered 86, 7-20, 1, cited by Hilprecht as B. B was first pub-
lished by Strassmaier.'' The first half of B is somewhat mutilated,
but, judging from the small number and the character of the
variants furnished by B where its text is preserved, it would seem
that no serious loss has been incurred.
Nos. II and III are from texts published by Winckler in
Abel-Winckler's Keilschrifttexte zum Oebrauch bei Vorlesungen
(1890), p. 32. The originals, written in Old Babylonian script,
are in the British Museum, all marked A. H. 82, 7-14, which
would indicate that they came from Sippar. No. II was first
published by Winckler in ZA., Vol. II (1887), pp. 69-75 (cunei-
form text, transliteration, translation, and commentary). At that
time he had two copies on two truncated cones, 4-4^ inches
high. Soon afterward he found a third (c/. ZA„ Vol. II,
1 The indentures of Nabopol. Hilpb. at cols, i, U, 14. il ; ii, 2, 4, 8, 15, 17, 23, 27, 30, 32, 34,
43, 50, 65 ; iii, 8, 13, 20, 23, 30, 42, indicate that these indented lines are to be closely connected
with the preceding lines.
2ZA., Vol. II (1888), cuneiform text (pp. 129-36), transliteration and translation (pp.
106-18).
178
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Thbbb Inscbiptions op Nabopolassab
179
pp. 144 sq,). No. Ill was first published by the same author in
the same number of ZA,, pp. 145 sq,, in both transliteration and
translation.
All three inscriptions were rendered in transliteration and
translation by Winckler in KB., Vol. Ill, Part II (1890)," pp.
2-9, and in transliteration by McGee in BAS,, Band III, Heft 4
(1898), pp. 625-8. McGee also gives a transliteration and Latin
translation in his doctor thesis, De topographia urbis Babylonia,
1895.
My translation differs in several places from that of McGee.
I have given a transliteration, but do not think it necessary to
add explanatory notes.
TBANSLITBBATION.
No. I,
A-na ii'* Marduk b6li ra-
bi-u
ii^Bel ilftni mu-u8-ta-ar-ba
a-si-ir I-gi-gi
za-a-ni-i]^ ^i'* A-nun-na-ki
5 nu-ur ilftni ab-bi-e-su
a-si-ib fi.SAG.ILA
bel Bftb-iliJ^i be-ili-ia
ii«Nabfl-aplu-u-Bu-ur
sakkanakku Bftb-ili^^
10 sar mftti Su-me-*er-im*
u Ak-ka-di-im
ru-ba-a-am na-'i-dam
ti-ri-is (ga-at)* *!« Nabfl
u ii'i Marduk
16 a-as-ru-um sa-ab-tam
sa pa-la-ab ili u Istftr^
li-it-mu-du zu-ru-us-Su
za-ni-in £.SAG.ILA u
fi.ZI.DA
mu-u8-te-'i-im za-ak-ki-e
Col. i.
20 sa Mlftni rabtlti^ a-na-ku
E-nu-ma i-na ki-bi-a-tim
ii'iNabfl u ii'i Marduk
na-ra-am Sar-ru'-ti-ia
u kakki GI.DA.LUM
26 sa ii^GIR.RA ra-su-ub-bu
mu-us-ab'-ri-^u za-a-ri-ia
su-ba-ru-um a-na-ru
mftt-8u u-te'®-ir-ru
a-na tilli u ka-ar-mi
30 i-nu-mi-8ufi.TEMEN.AN.
KI
zi-ik-ku-"ra-at" Bftb-ili^i
sa ul-la-nu-u-a
un-nu-sa-tu su-ku-pa-at
isid-za i-na i-ra-at ki-gal-e
36 a-na su-ur-su-dam
ri-e-si-sa sa-ma-mi
a-na si'^-it-nu-ni
ii^Marduk be-lam ia-a-si
ii:-bi-a
8 His rendering of No. I at this date was necessarily based on B.
4 B : rcham. ^ ga^-ai added from B.
Sign No. 284 in Delitssch, LeaestUcke^, Here without the determinative for the deity.
7 A N . G A L . G A L . B has the plnr. AN,AN,OAL.QAL,
8 Sign to be read ru; cf, col. ii, 57, where B has the ordinary ru. For other oocnrrences
) Neb. Grot., cols, ii, 45, and iii, 27.
9 B : tab, 10 Strassmaier's sign (9) is questioned by Hilprecht. i > B : umf is B : <i.
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180
Hbbbaioa
i» alU" i» MARp*. u i» U.
RUp^
40 i-na "sin plri" U us^
tti9MIS.MA.KAN.NA
lu ab-ni-ma
um-ma-nim sa-ad-li-a-tim
di-ku-ut mftti-ia
45 lu u-sa-as-si-im
Ho. I,
Al-mi-in lu u-sa-al-bi-in
li-bi-in-tim
6-8a**-ap-ti-HL
agurra
5 Ei-ma ti-ik sa-me'^-e
la ma-nu-tim
ki-ma mi-li-im
ka-as-si-im
kupra u iddft
10 ttftrA-ra-ab-tim
lu u-sa-az-bi-il
I-na sip-ri-su sa n^fi-a
i-na igigallu-u-tu sa ^^^
Marduk
i-na ne-me-^u sa ii'* Nabfl
16 u ii^ Nisaba
i-na li-ib-bi-im
"su-un-du-lu"
ga ilu ba-ni-ia
u-sa-ar-sa-an-ni
20 i-na pa-ak-ki-ia ra-bi-im^'
u-sa-ta-ad-di-im-ma
mftrd umm&ni
6-im-ku-tim
u-ma-'-er-ma
26 a-ba as-lam i-na ¥*"»*ninda-
HdL-lfU
u-ma-an-di-da
mi-in-di-a-tu
ameiDIM.GAL-e
is-ta-at-tu-um
80 ib-li-e
u-ki-in-nu-um"
ki-su-ur-ri-im
Col. U.
a-ar-ka-at ii^damad
ii^Rammftn u ^^^ Marduk
86 ap-ru-us-ma
e-ma li-ib-ba-am
u-us-ta-ad-di-nu
u-ka-si-bu mi-in-di-a-tim
Mlftni rabflti^ i-na pa-ra-si
40 a-ar-ka-tim
u-ad-du-nim
I-na si-bi-ir
ftsipu*^-u-te"
ni-me-ga HafJ-a u ii«Mar-
duk
46 a-as-ri-im sa-a-ta"
u-ul-li-il-ma
i-na ki-gal-e ri-es-ti-im
u-ki-in te-me-en^-sa**
burftsa kaspa abnd sadi'^-i
60 u ti-a-am-te
i-na us-si-sa"
lu u-ma"-a9-§i-im
za-ab-sum na-a-ru-tim
damna t&ba rikk6 u IM . . .^
66 sa-ap-la-nim libnftte
lu-as-tab-ba-ak
§alam sar-ru^-ti-ia
ba-bi-il tu-up-si-kam
lu ab-ni-ma
60 i-na te-me-en-na
lu as-ta-ak-ka-an
A-na ii^ Marduk be-ili-ia
ki-sa-dam lu u-ka-an-ni-is
lu-ba-ra-am te-di-i^
66 8ar-ru*-ti-ia
ISAL mii.
MKA.AM.8U. B: KA.
AMML
iBB:«a. [col.Ui,2S.
w me, B : md = m«-€, S',
17 B omits.
i8B:u.
19 B omits «m.
90KA.AZAG.GAL. For
a similar writing see V B., 64,
ool. i, 52.
«B: <u.
MB: Urn.
» B : ideographioaily TE-en^
iu. For TE^te-me-en^^u^ see
Sb, 811.
2«B:#u.
SfiSA.TU.
ST mil. B: ma.
3s Signs cannot be repro-
duced here.
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Three Inscriptions op Nabopolassar
181
No. I, Col. iii.
lu-u" a^-nu-un-ma
libnftte u ti-it-t&ii^
i-na ga-ga-di-ia
lu-u** az-bi-il
5 tu-up-si-ka-a-te"* (burftsi
u kaspi)"
lu u-dar-rig(T)-ma
ii^Nabfl-ku-du-ur-ra*'*-
u-9u-ur
bu-uk-ra-am**
10 ri-es-tu-u
na-ra-am li-ib-bi-ia
ti-it-tam bi-il-la-at
kar&ni samni u ^i-bi-
is-tim
it-ti um-ma-na-ti-ia
15 lu u-sa-az-bil"
ii^Nabfl-su-ma-am'^-li-si-ir
ta-li-im-su
se-ir-ra-am zi-it libbi-ia**
tu-ub-bu-su-um
20 da-du-u-a
i^allu^fMABlu u-sa-as-bi-it
tu-up-si-kam
burftsi u kaspi
lu 6-mi-id-ma
25 a-na ^^^Marduk be-ili-ia
a-na Bi-ri-itL-tim
lu as-ru-uj^-sum
Blta mibir £.§AB.BA
i-na ul-§i-im
90 u ri-si-a-te*'
lu e-pu"-u8-ma Ei-ma
§adi-im
ri-e-si-su
lu u-ul-li'^-im
a-na i^^^Marduk be-ili-ia
35 ki-i*** sa fl-um u-ul-lu-tim
a-na ta-ab-ri"-a-tim
lu u-sa-az-zi-im-su
ii^Marduk be-lam
e-ip-se-ti-ia "dam-ga-a-ti*^
40 ba-di-is na-ap-li-is-ma
i-na ki-bi-ti-ka
si-ir-tim
sa la ut**-ta-ak-ka-ra
i-bi-is-tim
45 li-bi-it ga-ti-ia
li-bu-ur a-na dftra-a-tim
Ki-ma libnftte fi.TEMEN.
AN.KI.
ku-un-na as-si-a-tim
isid kuss6-ia su-ur-si-id
50 a-na fl-um ri-e-ku-te**
fi.TEMEN. AN.KI ana
sarri
mu-ud-di-Si-ka ku-ru-ub
e-nu-ma ^i^Marduk
i-na ri-si-e-tim
55 i-ra-am-mu-u
ki-ri-ib-ka [ia
bltu a-na ii^^Marduk be-ili-
da-mi-i<^-**ta-am**
ti-iz-ka-ar-am**
No. n, Col. i.
ii« Nabm-aplu-u-su-ur
sar Bftb-ili>^*
ti-ri-is ga-at ii^^Nabfl
u ii'^Marduk a-na-ku
5 I-nu ^^^ Marduk bfilu
rabu-u
a-na za-na-an ma-b^-zi
ud-du-§u es-ri-e-ti
ur-ta-8U ka-bi-it-ti
u-ma-'-i-ra-an-ni
10 i-nu-mi-Su-um
Sippar
39B omits «.
SI B omits.
WBrH.
» B omits am.
MB:6i.a.
3S B omits tncKim,
MB: lUhbi-i<i,
8TB: Hnt.
^p4, B: &u,ptt.
MB: lu.
MB: Ki-ma.
«B: ra.
« Prom B.
*«B: it.
MB: tim.
46 B: tim.
M am added from B.
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182
Hebbaioa
ma-ba-zi zi-i-ri 16 a-na ku-ud-dur(?) be-lu-
na-ra-am ^l^damas u ii^A ti-su-nu
nftr UD.KIB.NUN is-si- me-e i-ri-e-^u a-na sa-
8u-ma a-bu
No. n, Col. U.
iin Nabfl-aplu-u-9u-ur
a-as-ri sa-ab-tim
pa-li-ib ilftni ia-a-ti
nftr UD.KIB.NUN
5 a-na Sippar
lu u-sa-ab-ra-am-ma
me-e nu-ub-si el(T)-lu-
tim
a-na ^^^ Samas be-ili-ia
lu u-ki-in
10 Ki-bi-ir nftri su-a-ti
i-na kupri u a-gur-ri
lu u-sa-ar-si-id-ma
a-na ^i^ damas b6li-ia
kftr su-ul-mi-im
16 lu-u um-mi-id
ii^ Nab111-aplu-u-9*u-ur
sarru dannu
ear Bftb-iliki
dar mftti Su-me-er-im u
Ak-ka-di-i
6 mu-ki-in is-di mftti
ru-ba-a-am na-'i-dam
ti-ri-if ga-at
ii'iNabfl u il«Marduk
mi-gi-ir §a-as-su
10 na-ra-afn* ^^^k
]^ar-ra-ad J^a-ra-di-e
sa ii^GIB.RA ra-8U-[ub-bu]
No. m, Col. i.
u-sa-ak-si-du-su
ni-18-
ma-8u
a-as-ri-im §a-ab-tam
16 mu-u8-te-'-e-im sak-ki-e-
im
sa ilftni rabtlti
§arru ^a ip-se-tu-iu
e-li sarrftni abd-su
su-tu-ga a-na-ku
20 E-nu-ma §a-as-su
bfilu ra-bi-u
ida-a-a il-li-ku-ma
No. m, Col. U.
[la ma-gi-re a]-na-ru
[mftt za-'i]-ri-ia
[u-te-ir-ru(T) a]-na tilli
[u ka]-ar-mu
6 i-nu-mi-su
a-na i^^Belit Sippar
ru-ba-tim §i-ir-tim sarra-
ti-ia
fi.EDIN.NA bit ta-ap-8u-
ub-ti-8u
e-es-si-is e-pu-us-ma
10 ki-ma fl-mi-im u-na-mi-ir
A-na sa-at-tim H^Bdlit
Sippar
be-el-tim su-ur-bu-tim
e-nu-ma bltu su-a-ti
us-ta-ak-la-lu-ma
16 ta-ra-am-mi-i-im ki-ri-ib-
sa
ia-a-si n** Nabfl-aplu-u-
§u-ur
sarru za-ni-in-ki
ki-ma libnftte Sippar
u Bftb-iliki
20 ku-un-na-am a-na ^i-a-
tim
gar-ru-tim §u-ul-bi-ri-im
a-na fl-mi-im re-e-ku-tim
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Three Inscriptions op Nabopolassar
183
TRANSLATION.
No. I, Col. i.
To Marduk, the great lord,
lord of the gods, the powerful,
patron of the Igigi,
oppressor of the Anunnaki,
5 light of the gods, his fathers,
who dwells in Esagila,
lord of Babylon, my lord —
Nabopolassar,
governor of Babylon,
10 king of Sumer
and Akkad,
the lofty prince,
who is under the guidance of
Nabu
and Marduk,
15 the humble, the submissive,
whose heart has learned
the fear of god and goddess,
the restorer of Esagila and
Ezida,
the one who looks after the
rights (?) (temple dues(T))
20 of the great gods, am I.
When, at the command
of Nabu and Marduk,
beloved of my royalty,
and by the strong weapon
25 of the powerful Girra,*^
who strikes my enemies with
lightning,
I destroyed the Subare,
(and) turned their land
into mounds and plow-land ;
90 at that time, as for Etemen-
anki,
the temple tower of Babylon,
which before my time
had become weakened and had
fallen in,
Marduk the lord commanded me
35 to lay
its foundation in the heart of
the earth
(and) to raise
its turret to heaven.
Baskets, spades(T), and i? U.
40 I made
out of ivory, ushu, and Mis-
makanna wood;
I caused the numerous workmen
assembled in my land
to carry (them).
No. I, Col. U.
I set to work(T), I made
bricks,
I manufactured
burnt bricks.
5 Like the downpour of heaven
which cannot be measured,
like the massive
flood,
I caused the Arahtu
10 to carry
bitumen and pitch.
With the cooperation of Ea,
with the insight of Marduk,
with the wisdom of Nabu
15 and Nisaba,
in the broad
understanding
with which the god my creator
had endowed me,
20 with my great ingenuity(T)
I came to a decision,
I gave orders
to the skilled
workmen,
25 with a nindana]^u measure
I measured
47 Perhaps to be identified with Dibbarra. See Jastrow, Religian of Babylonia af%d
Auyria^ p. 504, note 1, et pcuHm,
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184
Hbbbaiga
the measurement (of the aba
as-lam(T)),
the architects
at first
30 made
a survey
of the ground-plot (?),
afterwards
I consulted
35 Shamash, Ramman, and Mar-
duk;
to my heart
they gave decision,
they sanctioned the measure-
ments ;
the great gods by decree
40 indicated
the later stages of the work.
By means
of exorcism,
in the wisdom of Ea and Marduk,
45 I cleared away
that place,
(and) on the original site
I laid its platform foundation ;
gold, silver, stones from moun-
tain
50 and sea,
in its foundation
I set.
goodly oil, sweet-smellmg herbs,
and ....
55 I placed
underneath the bricks.
An image of my royalty
carrying a dupsikku
I constructed,
60 in the platform foundation
I placed it.
Unto Marduk my lord
I bowed my neck,
I arrayed myself in (my) gown,
65 the robe of my royalty,
No. I, Col. Ui.
2 bricks and mortar
I carried
on my head,
5 a dupsikku of gold and silver
I wore,
and Nebuchadnezzar
the firstborn,
10 the chief son,
beloved of my heart,
I caused to carry
mortar mixed with
wine, oil, and (other) products
15 along with my workmen.
NabuSumlisir
his twin-brother,
the offspring of my own flesh,
the junior,
20 my darling,
I ordered to take a basket and
spade (T),
a dupsikku
of gold and silver
I placed (on him).
25 unto Marduk, my lord,
as a gift,
1 dedicated him.
I built
the temple in front of £.§ AB.
BA
30 with joy
and rejoicing,
and like a mountain
I raised
its tower aloft ;
35 to Marduk, my lord,
as in days of old
I dedicated it
for a sight (to be gazed at).
O Marduk, my lord,
40 look with favor
upon my goodly deeds ;
at thy exalted
command,
which cannot be altered,
let the performance
45 of my hands
X
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Thbee Inscriptions of Nabopolassab
185
endure forever.
Like the bricks of Etemen-
anki,
which are to remain firm forever,
do thou establish the foundation
of my throne
50 for all time.
O Etemenanki, grant bless-
ing
to the king who has restored
thee;
when Marduk
with joy
55 takes up his abode
in thee,
O temple, recall
to Marduk, my lord,
my gracious deeds.
Nabopolassar,
the king of Babylon,
under the guidance of Nabu
and Marduk am I —
When Marduk, the great lord,
by his supreme command
commissioned me
to restore the cities
and repair the temples ;
No. U, Col. i.
10 at that time
the river Euphrates had receded
from Sippar,
the splendid city,
beloved of Shamash and A,
15 and the waters were far(T) too
distant
for the service (?) of their lord-
ships.
No. 11, Col.
I, Nabopolassar,
the humble, the submissive,
who worships the gods, 10
brought back (by digging)
5 the river Euphrates
(in its original channel) to Sip-
par;
and I provided
U.
pure waters in abundance
for Shamash my lord.
I walled up
the banks of that river
with mortar and brick,
and I constructed a protecting
wall
for Shamash my lord.
No. m, Col. i.
Nabopolassar,
the powerful king,
king of Babylon,
king of Sumer and Akkad,
5 founder of the land,
the exalted prince,
under the guidance
of Nabu and Marduk,
the favorite of Shamash,
10 beloved of A,
the hero of heroes,
whom the powerful Girra"
lets attain his every desire,
the humble, the submissive,
15 who has a care for the rights(T)
(temple dues(?))
of the great gods,
the king, whose works
surpass those of the kings
his fathers, am I.
20 At the time that Shamash
the great lord
walked at my side,
48SeeNo.I,ool.i,25.
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186
Hebbaica
No. m, Col. ii.
and I destroyed the rebellious
(and) turned
the land of my foes
into mounds and plow-land ;
5 at that time
I rebuilt
for the mistress of Sippar,
the exalted princess, my mistress,
£.EDIN.NA, a temple wherein
she might find peace of mind,
10 and I made it brilliant as the day.
In the future, O mistress of
Sippar,
powerful mistress,
when I have brought this temple
to a state of completion,
15 and thou hast taken up thy
dwelling therein,
do thou establish me, Nabopo-
lassar,
the king, thy restorer, forever
like the bricks
of Sippar and Babylon ;
20 and do thou permit my sover-
eignty to last
into far future days.
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Otonttrtutrt KoteB-
THE SYBIAC-ARABIC NARRATIVE OF THE MIRACLES OF
JESUS.
In the October (1899) number of this Journal Rev. W. Scott Watson
published "A Narrative of Miracles of Jesus," written in a familiar and
not uninteresting type of vulgar Arabic. As the translation which he
appended seems to me occasionally to miss the meaning of the original,
and as some features of the Arabic text perhaps deserve an additional
word of mention, I have thought that the following suggestions may not
be superfluous :
P. 43, last line, for "lizards rushing about" read "gazelles feeding."
The word vs^Lx^ illustrates the common substitution in vulgar Arabic
of \j6 for ib (of which this manuscript contains numerous examples),
and has nothing to do with ^J>^ "lizard." The same mistake occurs
several times on p. M.
P. 44, 11. 14 8g., instead of "there will not be any communication
between you and men" read "men shall not have power to harm you."
— L. 23, the relation of the clauses has been misunderstood. Read,
"Then the locusts would come and devour it when the time of harvest
came." — LI. 26 8q., read "there came together a number of the children
of Israel, and said among themselves. Who knows whether this man may
not be able," etc.
P. 45, 1. 9, read "God hath sent thee. Even though we are not
deserving, remove from us," etc. — L. 16, for "and that not one become
corrupt" read "and that ye harm no one."— L. 19, for "in the [manner
of] wailing of the country" read "in the various districts of the country."
So also in 1. 20. ic^'^ is plural of lU^b.— LI. 25 «g., for "nor doth
he summon you without power" read "nor doth he leave you without
food." The verb is from pOyy not from L&(>, and the noun i^yS
"provision" is written quite correctly. — L. 7 from the bottom, read "for
he is entering the city." — L. 3 from the bottom, for "in one hour" read
"in one moment." — In the next line, for "they praised God, to whom is
not difficult any of the things that he delivered as matters to the
humanity of his Son" read "they praised God, to whom not anything
(Luiill yjjo, ^) is difficult; who delivered all things to the humanity
of his Son."
P. 46, 11. 1 8q,y the translation is badly confused. Read, "Then after
the entrance of the disciples into the city and into his house, the man
187
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188 Hebbaica
went out and came to the Mount of Olives." — L. 7, for "from thy majesty"
read "for reverence of thee." — L. 13 from the bottom, for "establish"
read "raise from the dead." — Two lines below, "death" should be
"calamities." The word is plural of xit, and the text is in no need of
emendation. — Five lines farther, "And to him be the glory" should be
"for to him belongs the glory."
In the colophon appended by the scribe Mr. Watson renders Jkxft
|VamU KyjJ\ "the servant of the light, by name." Is it not rather the
proper name Abd en-Nur Basim?
Of the eleven proposed corrections of the text only one, x^ljLa^,
p. 40, can be allowed. The proposal to substitute ib for ^, and vice
versa (pp. 38, 40 [twice], 41), is most unfortunate, for it would remove
one of the really interesting features of this text. The word (^liu»,
p. 40 (twice), is apparently Laj III. or VI., with the meaning of y^iSy
It would hardly do to emend it, even if the proposed substitute, \yjB\Jj ,
were possible here, which is not the case. The word is a gain for the
lexicon of late Arabic. In place of lyuoUai, p. 40, Mr. Watson pro-
poses to read (•ioUii (t. e., LLbliai). This is unquestionably the word
to expect here ; but notice Dozy on the word ,>^Uo {SuppUmenty a, v,
^jijb). It would seem that here, also, Mr. Watson's manuscript fur-
nishes us with an important example of a rare word. The translation
would be, as with the other reading, "Then all the lions bowed their
heads low." . The text-reading ^d^ , p. 42, is the only correct one,
"my Holy Spirit." The same is true of UJ, on the same page. The
proposed correction of vs^U^t , p. 43, has already been mentioned.
In connection with the theory of the origin of this Arabic document,
it is interesting to observe (what apparently escaped Mr. Watson's notice)
that the appendix, from p. 42, 1. 17, on, is composed .in rhymed prose.
This part, at least, is certainly not a translation.
Charles C. Tobbet.
AnDOTBR THBOLOeiCAL Sbminabt,
AndoTer, Mass.
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ISoofe KotlceB.
NIEBUHR ON THE AMARNA TIME.*
This is the second Heft of the new series Der aUe Orient^ herausge-
geben von der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft. It is a poptilar treatment,
under five heads, of the Tel el- Amama inscriptions and their importance :
(1) discovery and kind of tablets, (2) the court and government of the
Egyptians, (8) the letters of Asiatic kings, (4) the letters of Asiatic sub-
jects, (5) the general conditions of the Amama period. The author gives
brief extracts from several of the most interesting letters. His transla-
tions agree substantially with those of Winckler. We are glad to see
that he adopts Enudtzon's reading, Eadashman-Bel, as the name of
the Babylonian king (formerly read Eallima-Sin) who carried on cor-
respondence with Amenophis III. Though just a sketch, this pamphlet
gives some idea of the world activity of the fifteenth century B. C, in
which the cuneiform language was the language of diplomacy.
Iba M. Pbicb.
Thb Uniysbsitt of Chicago.
THUREAU-DANGIN ON THE ORIGIN OF CUNEIFORM
WRITING.*
Since the publication of 1^ Partie of the above work' M. Thureau-
Dangin has secured much valuable new material touching the original
forms of many of the cuneiform signs. This material embraces (1) the
new acquisitions of the Louvre Museum, (2) the inscriptions discovered
by M. E. de Sarzec (1897-8), (3) copies of texts made by himself in Con-
stantinople in August, 1898, and (4) Part VII of the British Museum
Cuneiform Texts. Since the issuance of I^®, Partie he has made a new
study of the Syllabaries S^, S*>, and S®, and observed some confirma-
tions of and some objections to previous conjectures regarding the
coalescence in modem form of two and sometimes of more distinct
primitive signs.
The author has secured about 130 additional archaic forms, some of
which vary but slightly from those already recorded in 1^ Partie. He
has also cast doubt on some of his former identifications, e. gr., those of
1 Die Amabna-Zbtt : Aegypten und Vorderasien am 1400 v. Chr. naoh dem Thontafelfande
▼on £1-Amama. Von Carl Niebuhr. Leipsig: J. C. Hinrich3*»che Buchhandlung^ 1899.
M. o.eo.
3 Rbohebchbs sub l^Obioinb db l'&bitubb CunAifobme. Par Frangois Thnreau-
Dangin. Sappl6ment h la I^ Partie. Paris : Eme$t Leroux, 1899. It + 27 pp.
8 Reviewed in Thb Ahebican Joubnal of Sbmitic Lanouaoes and Litbbatttbbs,
Vol. XV, pp. 148899-
189
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190 Hbbbaica
No8. 311, 812, 313, and 51 ; and has newly identified a few characters.
In three cases, after some discussion of the different original characters
which have become absorbed into the modem forms, his conclusions
arrived at are not in agreement with his previous opinion. The first of
these (No. 11) is a discussion of BAD, TIL, in which he reverses his
former decision, and concludes these two readings belong to the same
original form, and that the second original form should be read iti,
idim, etc. The second discussion (No. 221), covering four pages, is an
attempt to unravel the tangle in which the modem GIB (= sdpu, ndru,
e m tl q u) has become involved through its having become the coalescence
of two primitive forms — and these primitive forms, too, have each more
than one modem representative. Under No. 419, on the basis of S^, he
finds that the sign read mes, sangu, represents two quite distinct
primitive forms, and these forms are distinctly identified in the archaic
inscriptions.
The work is done in the same neat autographic style characteristic of
Ire Partie, and adds facts of real value for a study of the primitive cunei-
form writing. We have noted a couple of slips of the pen : No. 79 should
be 82, and 188 should be 187.
The further researches of M. Thureau-Dangin are awaited with
interest by all lovers of Assyriology and the early history of the human
race. Iba M. Pbice.
The Uniyebsity of Chicaoo.
GREEK AND LATIN LOAN-WORDS IN TALMUD, MIDRASH,
AND TARGUM.»
The second part of this work brings the classical loan-words in
ancient Hebrew and Aramaic literatures in alphabetical order. Pp. l-59i
contain the dictionary proper ; pp. 594-615, supplementary notes ; pp.
617-84, two indexes of Greek and Latin words ; and pp. 685-7, correc-
tions of misprints.
Every article contains references, frequently complete, to the sources ;
and the explanations of predecessors are quoted, and sometimes dis-
cussed. The contributions of the ripe scholarship of Dr. L(Jw enhance
the work greatly. Besides the notes in the body of the work, to the last-
named scholar belong the indexes, preceded by prefatory remarks, from
which we quote the following passage : '* Das alphabetische Verzeichniss
weist nahezu 1160 LehnwOrter, auf die allein sich phonetische Unter-
suchungen sttitzen dttrfen, und etwa 295 FremdwOrter nach. Ftlr unge-
ffthr 800 WOrter kann ich die Meinung des Herm Verfassers nicht
theilen. Ich bezeichne diese hftufig fttr gut semitisches Sprachgut in
Vorschlag gebrachten Identificationen mit ??, d. h. unwahi^scheinlich,
oder 0, d. h. unmOglich, und betrachte diesen Widerspruch gegen die mir
1 GBIB0HI8CHE UND LATEINISCHB LSHNWORTEB IM TAIiMTTD, HiDBABCH UND TABOUM.
Von Samuel Krauss. Mit Bemerknngen Ton Immannel LOw. PreisgekrOnte lAtang der
Lattes'schen PreiBfrage. Tail II. Berlin^ 8. Calvary dt Co., 1899. x+687 pp. ; 8to. M. 28.
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Book Notices 191
unannehmbar scheinenden Ergebnisse als den wesentlicheren Theil
meines Beitrages zu dem Werke, dessen Verf asser ich sowohl fttr seine
selbstlose Hingebung an die Wissenschaft als auch ftlr die selbstver-
Iftugnende Bescheidenheit, mit der er im eigenen Hanse gegentheiliger
Meinung das Wort gOnnte, aufrichtige Hochachtung schulde" (p. 622).
The indexes are intended primarily for the use of classical students.
The first index is arranged in forty groups, according to subjects. The
second is arranged alphabetically. Every word is accompanied by sigla
showing the degree of probability of its correct identification, the sources
where it is found, and its eventual occurrence in Arabic, Syriac and its
dialects, Palmyrenian, Armenian, Persian, and Turkish. The work is a
model of scholarly method and patient research, and, though it has not
solved all the riddles, will remain the standard work on the subject for
a long time to come. A few remarks may follow .
A niunber of the words accepted in the dictionary have been explained
by me in my Talmudic Orammary namely : sbl3S (§ 953, n. 1), C*t''S
(§ 951, n. 1), »--)pc« (§ 952, n. 3), -jrnsS (§ 790), «np1-^p« (§ 970),
p-'^^S , p*)« (§ 959, n. 2), «nci (§ 856, n. 9), ttlttST , ttlttyT (§ 975, n. 4),
n^b:»na (§ 981), -jl^TB (§ 967, n. 2), n^n^I (§ 982, n. 2), RttCTp (§ 800),
«r-ip (§ 967, n. 3), bsp-^p (§ 967, n. 4). For «-^1« and «n« cf. my
explanations in this Journal, Vol. XIII, p. 309, and Vol. XIV, p. 130.
To this I would add that the Syriac form {lost does as little demand
the vocalization Kb^M ^s ]ai^ demands ^(nbM ; that DiDTT might as
well have been a Hebrew as an Aramaic word. The Syriac l-ia^^, which
Low mentions in this connection, goes back to Arab. ioS' '* thin-bearded."
For the equation j» = vi, cf. Jjiaijl = ):^<4r^ "trunk" = K12!lt:";n =
K^j^ "pomt of shoe;" Hebr. *^yQ "storm" = ^^k^* "whirlwind of
dust," with stem amplified by y , Assyr. sftru still shows no trace of
an J. For K'^:ib''a MenOrath ha-ma6r, ed. Padua reads MTbj
Tr\l is vocalized in T\rinyi2 "^"^ISC, ed. Gaster, § XVI, m^. On sn^nCK
cf. Jensen, ZA., Vol. XIV, p. 183, n. 1.
Kp'^K seems to be an apocopated form of "ip*^ = Eth. l^argO "ram,
wether, he-goat " = Somali orgi "he-goat," Hausa rago "ram," orraki
a certain breed of asses. The latter may be the same as oLic = Assyr.
unlqu "he-goat," and this, as LOw suggests, = ipH ; or fc^p'^K may stand
for KpD*3? ; c/., however, Hausa akwia "goat." — T'^D and all the forms
mentioned there go back to Eth. Jar'a = Amh. ^ftrra "to cry, appeal,"
astftrra "invoke" God or saints = Arab, ^cy^^ "eulogize" = n*)2.
For the interchange of *) and T cf. my Qrammary § 36. — p153 is
explained in a marginal note in nV^JTlS ■'IIBC > P- 78, as y:?bTD bjSa >
i. e.y "sabots." The variant sma or TVTP2 (©d. Wilna) is not a mis-
take, as Low supposes. We have two variant readings in Sanh. 95a.
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>
^
192 Hbbbaioa
According to one version n' p'M WHS rPpTSIj to which •HTBO
.riTTDTQ (§ CLV) correctly adds plbj . This is to be translated: "He
(Ablsoi) hurled it (the spindle, having stuck it) in the point of his
sabot on her." Levy's translation («. v. KptQ) is both against grammar,
as iTpriB does not mean "I threw it," and against common-sense, as by
hitting the point of his shoe with the spindle she could not kill him.
The other version reads: niTl aiD"H3 rPpfffl "l^© threw it on her
Krrra'^'H ." The xnra ID'H is evidently a part of the human anatomy
opposed to the IffTfD n^J*lS« The first means perhaps "the brain,"
the latter, "the cerebellum." But it is altogether possible that XD*^
Sp113 = KHTD 123"H . fcip112 may be an apocopated form of *lpta , emph.
St. Klp^ia "brain." For the confusion in the gender of the pronoun
many examples could be cited.— KTtDD I connect with S^^UXm^I (Dozy)
in the sense of ambubaia. That of that kind of woman may be well
said nbjsa Kl HttD is too well known.— On bji"^0 cf. Bachrach,
bTO t3J mb'Tt^TDK* PP- 140«g.— Cp'^B is connected by the author with
biblical Hebr. icpg ! Where does such a word exist ?— STpbB does not
come from iroAXo^, which latter is itself a Semitic loan-word (c/. my
Grammar, § 838, n. 2), but goes back to i/J^.— Snbs is neither
Greek (Erauss) nor a corruption (LOw); but goes back to Jl-3 "be
notchy." For development of meaning see my Grammar, § 963, n. 1. —
^bSlD is probably Arab. aJuL*^ "the young of a partridge," or = \::^yM^
(Wahrmund).— On ^^nQT\ cf, Joseph Schwarz* "Recension" of Bapa-
port's pba -py, p. 22. Q L^^j^
Hbbbbw Union Ck>LLBOE,
Cinoinnati, O.
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THE AMERICAN JOURNAL
OF
SEMITIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES
(CONTINUING "HEBRAICA")
VoLUMB XVI JULY, 1900 Number 4
THE UKIM AND THUMMIM.
A SUOOESTION AS TO THBIB ORIGINAL NATUBB AND SIGNIFIOANOB.
By W. Muss-Abnolt,
The Uniyenity of Chicago.*
We have been taught since the days of the Alexandrian trans-
lators of the Old Testament that D^BHI D''*^^S mean "revelation
and truth" (^yXftwrt? fcal aXi^Oeia), or "lights and perfections"
(^<l>cma'fjLol teal reXedrrjre^) ; the reXeiJrr)^ xal BiSaj(^ij of Symmachus
(translated by Jerome : Perfectio et doctrina; see Field's Hex-
apla on Deut. 33:8); the (fHorurfiol and rcXcwwrct? of Aquila
and Theodotion). The Vulgate accordingly renders the terms by
doctrina (after Symmachus' BiSaxii ; old Latin : ostensio or
demonstratio) et Veritas, This notion as to the meaning of the
two Hebrew words has maintained itself so tenaciously through
the Middle Ages down to our days that it seems almost impossible
to gain a hearing for any other view. But that there is no foun-
dation for such a view in the Old Testcunent itself, when correctly
understood, an examination of the few passages where the words
occur will readily show. These are the passages :
Exod. 28:13-30 describes the high-priestly ephod and the
breastplate with the tJrIm and Tummim. It is called in vs. 15
* The author begs leave to express his thanks to Professors Ernest D. Barton, George
F. Moore, and Henry Preserved Smith, and to Dr. I. M. Casanowicz, of the IT. S. National
Museum, Washington, D. G.» for examining this article in proof and addi^ valuable
material and references.
193
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194 Hbbbaioa
a "breastplate of judgment" (tDBlKp l^n); it was to be four-
square and double. The twelve stones mentioned in vs. 17 were
not put inside of the yin, but on the outside. "And Aaron
shall bear the names of the children of Israel in the breastplate
of judgment upon his heart, when he goes in unto the holy place,
for a memorial before the Lord continually. And thou shalt put
into the breastplate of judgment the tJrim and the Tummim ;'
and they shall be upon Aaron's heart when he goeth in before the
Lord ; and Aaron shall bear the judgment of the children of
Israel upon his heart before the Lord continually" (vss. 29, 30).
The yin of the high priest was a small bag, or pouch, worn
upon the breast, to hold the tTrim and Tummim ; it was called
tDBWan "H by the people, because of the decisions which were
supposed to be given by means of the tJrim and Tummim. It
was made of the same material as the high-priestly ^IBM , a span
square, set in front with twelve jewels in four rows, engraved
with the names of the twelve tribes.
In Leviticus, chap. 8, Moses consecrates Aaron and his sons as
priests in compliance with the command given in Exod. 29:1-87.
Vss. 7, 8 read : "And he [Moses] put upon him [Aaron] the
coat [cf, Exod. 28:4], and girded him with the girdle and clothed
him with the robe, and put the ephod upon him, and he girded
him with the cunningly woven band of the ephod, and bound it
unto him therewith. And he put the breastplate upon him : and
he put in the breastplate the tJrIm and the Tummim.'"
Deuteronomy, chap. 33, contains "the blessing of Moses."
Vs. 8 reads : "And of Levi he said : Thy Tummim and thy tJrim
are with thy godly one, whom thou didst prove at Massah, with
whom thou didst strive at the waters of Meribah." — Steuemagel,
Deuteronomium^ p. 125, translates : "Thy Tummim and thy
tJrim belong unto him that is devoted to thee ; whom thou didst
prove at Massah, and for whom thou didst fight at Meribah." —
Bertholet, Deuteronomium* p. 106 : " Give unto Levi thy Tummim ;
1 LXX has Kal irt^atis irl rh X67coy r^t Kplatun ri^r 8ij\iac-iw koI t^w d,\i/f$€iaw. On
OBtDtS = JoBtloe, see Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. XI (1892), pp. 20&-U.
8^\wnw Kal r^w dX'^iaw. The LXX translator mistook bK ]n (Ler. 8:8) for b7 ^
(Exod. 28:14, 28 sg?.) ["Heb. Smii. reads b^ » cf, Pesh."— (leorge F. Moore]; </. also Exod.
25:16,21; Numb. 19:17; Deut. 23:25.
• " Handkommentor Enm Alten Testament,** heransgegeben rem W. Nowaok* L Abih^
long, 8. Band, i. Theil (GOttingen, 1898).
4 *' Kurseir Hand-(3ommentar mim Alten Testament," heransgegeben too Karl MartL
AbteUnng V (Freiburg, 1889).
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Ubim and Thummim 195
and thy tJrim to thy favorites, whom thou didst prove," etc. —
Gesenius-Brown, Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testa-
ment (1891), p. 22 : "Thy Thummim and thy Urim has the man
of favour," t. e., the Levite, tested at Massah and Meribah. —
Driver, Deuteronomy ("International Critical Commentary"),
1895, p. 398 : " Thy Thummim and thy Urim be for the man, thy
godly one, whom thou didst prove at Massah, with whom thou con-
tendedst at the waters of Meribah." See also Stade, Oeschichte^
Vol. I, pp. 156, 157. — Baudissin, Oeschichte des Alttest, Priester-
thumSy p. 76, thinks that "thy godly one" was either Aaron or
Moses, as representative of the whole tribe of Levi. Later on he
says : " Der Fromme Jahwe's ist, so scheint es, Aaron."
The most important passage for the right conception of the
Urim and Tummim is 1 Sam. 14: 41, where Wellhausen and Driver*
have amended the Massoretic text, on the basis of the Septuagint,
to read as follows : "And Saul said : Lord, God of Israel, why
hast thou not answered thy servant this day ? If this iniquity
(guilt) be in me or in Jonathan my son, Lord, God of Israel, give
Urim ; but if it be in thy people Israel, give Tummim.* Then
Jonathan and Saul were taken by lot ; and the people escaped."
"A^Xot (LXX) stands for D-'nsiS (28:6 and Numb. 27:21; as
SiyXokTA? inExod. 28:26; Lev. 8:8) The amended text
(which is accepted, amongst others, by Dr. Weir) shews (what
has often been surmised independently) that the D^^IMH t3BtC9
DTarm was a mode of casting lots" (Driver, p. 89). — H. P.
Smith, The Books of Samuel^ p. 122 : "Urim and Thummim were
two objects used in the lot — perhaps stones of different colours
(following Ewald, Geschichte^ Vol. Ill, p. 309; Antiquities^
p. 295) — one of which gave the affirmative, the other gave the
negative, answer to a question put in the form already indicated."
ft Note* on the Hebrew Text of the Booke of Samuel (Oxford, 1890), p. 80. Also Bndde, The
Book* of Samuel (SBOT,, edid. Hanpt), p. 88. This conjecture was made long ago (1842) by
Thenius in the first edition of his commentary on the books of Samuel (** Knivgefasstes
exegetisches Handbaeh"). See Lagarde, G6U. Qel. Anzeigen, 1885, Vol. I, p. 75. The rOH
Q^tpn of the Massoretic text is an arbitrary change of the correct D"'13n T\^T\ • *
> H. P. Smith, Samuel^ p. 122, translates : " bnt if thus thou say : * It is in my people ;
giTe Tummim ;* ** also see p. 124. The Septuagint (Cod. B) reads as follows : Kal cTirer 2aod\
K^pie 6 $e6t 'lo-pai^X, rl 5ri odic dTeKplBrfS rtfi do(^^ vov ff-fiitjepov ; 1j h ifiol 1j iw 'IwpaOiLP
T$ vl(} fwv ^ ddiKla, K6pte 6 Ms 'lo-pai^X, Shs di^Xovr (D^"^^K)* k€U Hlw rdSe efiri;, 86s
dil T$ Xaf ffov 'lo-pai^X, dds 8ii SatArirra {i. e., 0*^7911 713*1). QL, t. e., Lagarde, lAbrorum
VeterU Testamenti canoniccrum^ pars I, p. 275, has this reading: Kal el rdde cfrott 'Er
T$ Xof ^ iSucla^ 9hs haUntfra' koX KaraK\npodTai SoovX koX ItawoBav^ kcX i^XBev 6 \a6s'
7 In " The International Critical Commentary." New York : Chas. Scribner's Sons, 1809.
See also Kirkpatrick, The Fint Book of Samuel ("The Cambridge Bible for Schools and
CoUeges'*),1891,p.l87.
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196 Hebbaica
1 Sam. 28 : 3-6 : '^ Samuel had died, and all Israel had mourned
for him, and had buried him in Bamah, his city. And Saul had
removed the talismans and necromantic charms [so H. P. Smith]
from the land. And the Philistines gathered themselves together,
and came and pitched in Shunem : and Saul gathered all Israel
together, and they pitched in Gilboa. And when Saul saw the host
of the Philistines, he was afraid, and his heart greatly trembled.
And when Saul inquired of the Lord, the Lord answered him not,
neither by dreams, nor by tTrim, nor by prophets."
Here we have three methods of divine communication in the
Old Testament : (1) The dream-oracle (c/. Numb. 12:6 ; 1 Kings
3:4 8qq.)y of which frequent mention is made also in Assyrian and
Babylonian literature. Thus, e, g.y the dream-vision of Gudea,'
and numerous references in the Otlgamesh (Ntmrod) Epic.* In
a hymn to the god Samas, published by Brtonow (in ZA.^ Vol.
IV, pp. 7 «gg.), we read that the interpretation of dreams (paseru
sunate) was the specific function of the sa'ilu.'* There appears
as interpreter of dreams also the sabru (a word compounded,
probably, of sa + bari, Jensen, ZA,j Vol. VII, p. 174, rm. 1, =
" der Mann des Sehens ") . It is quite possible that the interpreta-
tion of dreams reverts ultimately also to the functions of the
baru, "seer" (Smith, -44ur6antpaZ, 123, 50)." Also the maxxu-
priest appears as interpreter of dreams ;'* and in Adurbanipal,
Cyl. A, col. V, 97-102," Istar sends a dream-vision to the troops
of Asurbanipal, saying unto them : " I go before Asurbanipal the
king, whom my hands have created." Trusting in this dream,
they advanced victoriously and defeated their enemies. (2) The
oracle by means qt the Urim ; here, undoubtedly, an abbreviation
for the tTrim and Tummim. (3) The oracle by the word of the
prophets, found among all Semitic nations.
8 H. Zimmem in ZA„ Vol. Ill, pp. 282-5.
92V:£.(Hanpt),p.l4,14: Sn-na-ta at-fial mu-fii-ti-ia (c/. 6, 45; IS, 15); 49,209: fin.
na-ta i-na-af-tal ** he saw a dream, he had a dieam-Tision ;'* 50,29«9.; 55,20: Q-um
fiutta i(-(a-ln; al8o<^. Kiii«, Bodylotiton Jfo^ and 5oreery, Nos. 6, 116; 10; 18; 12, 113;
6,43«(Z.; 13,24; FV Ra 59, No. 2 6 21, 22, 23 ; 57 fr 44. Nabd, A^Jtoil, yi, 21, 22.
10 K. 8187 iZA., Vol. IV, p. 8), 11. 51-2.
Ulna fiat mu-fil fin-a-tu fia am-xn-rn-fii | iSten (aia*!) fiab>rii-n u-ta-ul-
ma i-na(-a()-tal fiuttu | i-gi-il-ti-ma tab-rit mn-fii natjfitar n-fiab-rn-a-in t
u-fia-an-na-a (/TB., Vol. II, pp. 250-1); V B. 8, 120: fiabrfi i-na-a(-|a-al fiuttn.
12 I&id. (pp. 252-«), 1.95: ina id&ti Sntti egirre fii-plr max-'zi-e.
isifitar a-fil-bat (»i) Arba-ila ina fiat mu-Si I a-na nmm&niti-ia fiutta
a-fiab-rl-ma | ki-a-am iq-bi-fiu-nn-ti | um-ma a-na-kn al-lak ina ma-xar
Afiur-b&n-apln | fiarri fia ib-na-a qiti-a-a e*li fintti an-ni-ti nmmfiniti*
|a ir-zu-gn, etc.
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Ubim and Thummim 197
The only other instance of actual consultation of Yahweh by
means of the tJrim and Tummim mentioned in the Old Testament is
found in Numb. 27:21, where it is said: "And he [Joshua] shall
stand before Eleazar the priest, who shall ask counsel (or inquire)
for him after (by) the judgment of tJrim (S^Xot) before the
Lord : at his word shall they go out, and at his word shall they
come in, both he, and all the children of Israel with him, even
all the congregation." Eleazar was the high priest. Moses was
permitted by the Lord to address him directly. Joshua and his
successors could do this only through the mediation of the high
priest and by means of the Urim and Tummim.
Ezra 2:63 = Neh. 7:65 states: "And the Tirshatha" said
unto them,'' that they should not eat of the most holy things, till
there stood up a priest with tJrIm and Tummim (LXX : Kal rol^
T6\e/bt9 ; alia exempl. rdk reXeuiaeai)"^^ It is quite probable
that the age of Ezra and Nehemiah was no longer cognizant of
the nature of the Urim and Tummim. Post-exilic Israel had
neither the sacred breastplate nor the tJrim and Tummim. This
passage tacitly contradicts the assertion of Josephus, Antiquities^
III, 8, 9 (end), that the tJrim and Tummim only first failed in
the Maccabean era." " The tJrim and Tummim, along with the
Ark, the Shechinah, the Holy Fire, the Spirit of Prophecy, the
Oil of Anointing, constituted the chief points, for the absence of
which the Jews of later times deplored the deficiency of Zerub-
babeFs Temple as compared with that of Solomon" (H. E. Ryle,
Ezra and Nehemiah, p. 32, in "The Cambridge Bible for Schools
and Colleges ;" Mishna Sota 9:12 ; Tos. Sota 13:2; Jer. Kiddu-
shim 4:1 ; Josephus, Antiquities, III, 8, 9, end). — Ecclus. 33:3"
may possibly prove a knowledge of the tradition concerning the
!«/. €., his efxcellency, by which the writer means the goreraor Sheshbassar (= Sin-
bal-agnr);8ee Oeo. Hoffmann, ZA,, YoL U, p. 52, rm. 1 ; Geseniosis, p. 877.
i^To the returned Jews (mentioned in the preceding yerses) who ** sought their re^rister
among those that were reckoned by genealogy, bnt they were not found : therefore were they
deemed polluted, and were put from the priesthood." See on this period of Jewish history
especially Eduard Meyer, Die RnUUhung de» JudetUhumt^ Halle, 1896, p. 194; also qf.
Baudissin, loc. cit, pp. 140, 141.
i> Compare 1 Mace. 4:46, (Judas and the blameless priests, whom he had chosen) pulled
down the altar (which had been profaned) and laid up the stones in the mountain of the
house in a conrenient place, until there should come a prophet to give an answer concerning
thom. 14:41, The Jews and the priests were weU pleased that Simon should be their leader
and high priest forever, until there should arise a faithful prophet.
17 "However, the breastplate and sardonyx left off shining two hundred years before I
composed this work, God having been displeased at the transgression of his laws '* (6. Niese,
Flavii lotephi opera. Vol. I. p. 202).
li* '\V man of understanding will put his trust in the law ; and the law is faithful unto
him. as when one asketh at the oracle.*' Professor H. P. Smith calls my attention to ByssePs
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198 Hebbaica
use of the tTrIm and the Tummlm, but it cannot be inferred from
it that answers were received, at that time, by means of the tTrim
and the Tnmmim.
The tTrim and the Tnmmim are implied, also, wherever in the
earlier history of Israel mention is made of asking counsel of the
Lord (= Yahweh) by means of the ephod/* Thus, in Josh. 9:14,
^^And the men took of their victuals, and asked not counsel at the
mouth of the Lord" (c/. Numb. 27:21)."— Judg. 1:1, "Now,
after the death of Joshua, it came to pass that the children of
Israel asked the Lord, saying," etc. Vs. 2, "And thaLord said,"
etc." 20:18, "And the children of Israel arose, and went up to
the house of God, and asked counsel of God (D^JT^Sa), and said.
Which of us shall go up first to the battle against the children of
Benjamin ? And the Lord said, Judah shall go up first ;** vs. 23,
"And the children of Israel went up [to Beth-el] and wept before
the Lord until even, and asked counsel of the Lord," etc. Also
see vss. 26-28 (Budde, Buck der Richter^ pp. 135, 136), where the
mention of the ark is rather out of placa ; Bertheau, Budde, and
others have, therefore, cut out vss. 276 and 28aa as late glosses,
supplementing one the other. — In 1 and 2 Samuel the tTrim and
Tummim are consulted chiefly by Saul and by David. By Saul
in 1 Sam. 10:22 (vss. 19-22, when Saul is chosen king); 14:3,
36 sgg., and vs. 18, where, with LXX, we must read : " Saul said
unto Ahijah : Bring hither the ephod ; for he carried the ephod
at that time before the children of Israel."" 1 Sam. 14:41 and
tranalation in KantHoh, Die Apokryphen wid Pteudepigraphen det AUen TeHamenU (Frei-
burff, 1899) , p. 894 : " Der Verattndise setzt sein Vertrauen aufe Geseti, und das Oesets bewfthrt
sioh ihm ala suyerlftssiff wie eine Frage an die Urim." In a footnote RTSsel says: *^8tatt
iucalww iat mit Sin., GAl. u.a. Handsetir. (die mit L meiat 9ii\Qw ['* wie einer, der eine Frage
aufstellt," was naoh Hatch, p. 276, snm Folgenden to aiehen wftre,— kaum riohtig], aber anoh
d^Xor bieten) i^\«aw rolesen (Tgl. 45, 10 d^Xoi [iXfiMas] Mr D'^H^K and ebenso in LXX).
Der Gedanke ist : wie eine Frage an die Urim und Tummim riohtig beantwortet wird.**
19 •* Tlie preposition ^ in connection with btfltO followed by the name of GK>d is to be
explained as originally of local signification *' (Geo. F. Moore). On the nature of the "HfiK
see especially Moore, Judges {** International Critical Commentary *'), 1895, pp. 380 tg^., where
copious references and literature are given. [Also article " Ephod** in Vol. II of EncjfciO'
pasdia £i6{ica.~ (George F. Moore.]
30 Cf. Maclear, Jo9hwx C* Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges.** 1892), pp. 80, 81. See
also Josh. 7 : 14-18, the otory of Achan and the discovery of his theft.
ai See Budde, Daa Btich der RicMer C* Kurzer Hand-Commentar sum A. T.'*), pp. 2, 3;
Moore, Judgee, 1895, pp. 10-13; Lias, Judges, pp. 43, 44, 197.
>'^The whole verse is rejected by Bertheau, Budde, and others, as a later gloss taken
from 1:1; see also Moore, pp. 431-5.
33 See Driver, Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Booke of Samuel, pp. 83, 84, whom it has
escaped that Keil had made this suggestion many years before him ; Budde, The Books of
Samuel (= SBOT.), p. 62; H. P. Smith, SamwU PP> 111 «9.; Nowadc, Lehrbuch der Hebrdi-
Mchen ArcMtologie, Bd. II, pp. 93 $q.
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Ubim and Thummim 199
28:6,866 abov6.— By David in 1 Sam. 22:10, 13; 23:2, 4, 6,
9-12, wh6r6 David asked counsel of the Lord four times by means
of the ephod (t. 6., the tJrim and the Tummim), and the Lord
answered him each time. 30:7 «g., "And David [at Ziklag] said
to Abiathar the priest, Ahimelech's son, I pray thee, bring me
hither the ephod. And Abiathar brought thither the ephod.
And David inquired at the Lord, saying, Shall I pursue after this
troop? shall I overtake them? And he answered him. Pursue:
for thou shalt surely overtake them, and without fail recover all."
2 8am. 2:1; 5:19, 23 «g.; 21:1.
In all cases, except 1 Sam. 10:22 and 2 Sam. 5:23 sg., the
answer is either Yes or No. It has been suggested by Kiehm and
others that these two passages have undergone editorial changes.
After the death of David no instance is mentioned in the Old
Testament of consulting the Lord by means of the tTrim and
Tummim, or the ephod. This desuetude is undoubtedly occa-
sioned by the growing influence of Old Testament prophecy (see,
however, Stade, Oeschichtey Vol. I, p. 473). Professor Moore
calls my attention to Lagarde's conjecture on Ps. 43:3, and to the
fact that 'IIM is intended also in Hos. 6:5.
II.
These are the passages in the Old Testament where the tTrim
and Tummim are mentioned, either directly or by implication.
Before expressing our own view on the original nature and sig-
nificance of this oracle, it may not be out of place to quote some
of the ancient and, especially, modem explanations'* of these
mysterious iijstruments through which Yahweh communicated
his will to his chosen people.
Josephus, Antiquities^ III, 8, 9,"^ and some of the rabbins
were of the opinion that this sacred lot (or oracle) of the
Israelites was identical with the gems of the breastplate, and that
34 In addition to tliose mentioned in tlie preceding sections.
9> Niese, Vol. I, pp. 201 ag. ; ** Now as to those stones which I said before the high priest
wore on his shoulders, which were sardonyxes (I think it needless to describe their nature, as
they are known to everybody) ; one of them sparkled when God was present at their worship,
namely, the one that serred as a clasp on the right shoulder, bright rays darting out thence,
and being seen even by persons at a Tery great distance, though this was not before natural
to the stone. This has appeared a wonderful thing to such as do not cultivate wisdom in
contempt of religion. But I will mention what is still more wonderful than this, that Ood
declared beforehand, by those twelve stones which the high priest bore on his breast, and
which were inserted into his breastplate, when they should be victorious in battle ; for so
great a splendor shone forth from them before the army began to march that all the people
were sensible of God*s presence for their assistance. So those Greeks who had a regard for
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200 Hbbbaioa
the splendor shining forth from them indicated God's presence
for the assistance of the Israelites. It is not quite correct to
maintain that Philo's opinion (De Vita Moa,, pp. 670 C, 672 D, E
(Mangey, Vol. II, p. 152), and De Monarch., p. 824 A) was that
the oracle consisted in the two small images or symbols of ^' light
and righteousness," embroidered into the conningly woven breast-
plate of the high priest, like the oracle-images of Egypt {Dto-
dorus Siculusy I, 48, 75 ; Aelian, Var. Hist, 14, 34)."
The views of medisBval exegetes of the Christian church, as
well as those of the theologians of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and
eighteenth centuries, are carefully registered in that monumental
work of Ludwig Diestel, Oeschichte des Alien Testamentes inder
christlichen Kirche (Jena, 1869), pp. 615, 525, 546, 748 ; also in
the same scholar's article, " Urim," in the Protestantische ReaU
encyclopddie (Vol. XVI, pp. 746 8qg.), revised for the second
edition (Vol. XVI, pp. 226 sqq.) by Kautzsch.
Catholic commentators, generally, follow in the footsteps of
the great Cardinal Bellarmin, who defended the Vulgate transla-
tion and derived tTrim from n*f "to teach" and Tummim from
last "be true," thus = doctrina et Veritas.
Knobel {Der Prophetismus der Hebrder, Erster Theil, 1837,
p. 5, rm. 2) and others were of the opinion that the breastplate
and the tJrim and Tummim were an imitation of the breastplate
oar oastoms, as they could not possibly oontradiot this, called the breastplate the orade.^
Cf. Antiquities, VIII, 8,8; P. Orflnbaum, Die Priestergeaetze bei FlaviuM Jomphua (Halle>
Wittenberg, 1887), pp. 52 $q. The rabbins assert that, by means of the Crim, those letters
which belonged to the answer shone in peculiar fnlgenoy, either simultaneously or succes-
siyely, while the Tummim taught the high priest in which order they were to be read and
composed into words ; and since the names of the twelve tribes do not contain all the letters
of the alphabet, it is asserted that those of the patriarctis were added. Professor Moore
calls my attention to Bouoh6-Leclercq, Higtoire de la divination dane VantiquiU^ Tome I*
p. 197, rm. 2: "Apul6e (ifatom., lib. IX, 2) cite un oracle perp6tuel employ6 par des prdtres
syriens: Les bceul^ attel6s fendent la terre, afin qtie les campagnes produisent leurs
fruits."
90 Professor Moore writes to me as foUows : ^* If yon will look up the passage [in Philo]
you will see how Spencer (and some before him) f^ll into this error: he etymologized d7aX-
HaT(upop4ia * support images,' and inferred that Philo represented the t^ dperaiy dijXia^tt
and d\ij$€ia as little idols. An examination of Philo*s usage of the word, or of other late
writers, shows that this literal etymology is entirely false. Mangey, in his note on the pas-
sage, proves this condnsively, and I have some other material to the same effect. Spencer,
however, did not imagine the images tooven or embroidered on the yOOTl ; that results from
someone's attempt to reconcile Spencer's ' images' with Philo in De Monorchia (Mangey, n,
226), ixl 8i rod \oyelov ^irrd 6<f>d(riiaTa KararoiKCKKei k.t.X,; and the Egyptian parallels
from Diod. and Aelian were not * embroidered.' "
' A7aX/iara0op/w '* to carry an image ; to carry the image (idea) of anything in one's
own mind ;" see Sophocles, Greek Lexikon cf the Roman and Byzantine Periods, New York,
1887, p. 62. It is used by Philo; Athenagoras 997 B. (Patrologia Oraeca, Vol. Yl) ; Origen.
Ill, 381 A ; Euseb., II, 860 A. B, 872 B. Zonaras, Lexicon, 35 : ** ' Aya\fMTO<popo^fU^Si dydX-
/MTa, ^JTOt T^ovs tQw woriOirraw ^ipav 4w iavri}, Ovrw ^CKuv,
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Ubim and Thummim 201
of the Egyptian high priest, which he wore on his breast daring
legal trials.*' The analogy, however, is more superficial than real.**
B&hr, Symholiky Vol. II (pp. 134-41), thinks of something
within a bag, a sacred pledge to the high priest of the enlighten-
ment and perfection which he would receive from the Lord, when
called upon to make sacred decisions.
Kalisch, Exodus (1855), p. 544, sees the sacred pledge in the
twelve sacred gems themselves, that stimulate the priest to self-
sacrifice and perfect sanctification.
August Kohler, Lehrbuch der bibliachen Oeach. Alien Testa-
mentes, I (1875), pp. 349-50: "Gestalt und Beschaflfenheit der
U. und T. ist unbekannt ; jedenf alls waran sie kOrperliche Gegen-
stftnde, welche von dem Hohepriester auf oder wahrscheinlicher
in seinem Brustschilde getragen wurden SpAter gelten
die Aussprtlche der Propheten dem Alten Testamente als eine
Forsetzung der Willensftusserung Jehovah's." Also see Vol. II,
2, 557, rm. (against Smend, Die Listen der Bilcher Esra und
Nehemiah, p. 18 ; Stade, Oeschichte^y Vol. II, pp. 103 sqq.; Ewald,
Geschichte\ Vol. IV, p. 222).
J. Wellhausen, Prolegomena zur Oeschichte Israels' (1886),
p. 412, rm. 1, says : " Die Thummim hat Preytag (ieanc. Arabi-
cum unter tamtmat)^ ausserordentlich gltlcklich mit den arabi-
schen Tamdim verglichen. . Urim hftngt vielleicht mit "^"^S
zusammen (vgl. Iliad 1, 11, und Numb. 22:23); die beiden
Worte der Formel scheinen sich gegens&tzlich zu ergAnzen." In
his Skizzen und Vorarbeiten ("Reste arabischen Heidentums"),
2d ed.. Vol. Ill, pp. 144, 167, Wellhausen rejects this interpreta-
tion of Freytag and Lagarde, and maintains that Arabic tamXma is
simply the translation of the Greek r^Xeafia. " Urim und Thum-
mim mtlssen urspitlnglich zwei Lose gewesen sein, denen bei dem
Orakel eine beliebige Alternative als Bedeutung beigelegt wurde."
W. Robertson Smith, The Old Testament in the Jewish Church
(2d ed., London, 1895), p. 292, note 1, writes : ^^ In ancient times
the priestly oracle of Urim and Thummim was a sacred lot. ...»
37 Also the names of the oracle were deriyed from the Egyptian, tummim from Egyptian
ma + article = tma = ** trath ;** and urim from Coptic eroyOini = " illnmiQation, revelation. **
MSee Vatke, Religion, p. 681; Dillmann on Exod. 28:90; Riehm, ''Licht and Rechf' in
his Handtodrterbuch^ Vol. I, p. 016 ; Baudissin, QeschicJUe de* alttegtamentlichen Prieater-
thMTM (Leipsig, 1889). pp. 70, 71. Hommel, The Ancient Hebrew Tradition (1897), pp. 280, 281,
argues again for the Egyptian origin of the JOH aud the Orim and Tunmiim.
»The same obserration was made also, independently of Freytag, by Paul de Lagarde
in his Prophetae chaldcuee, p. xlvii^
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202 Hebbaioa
This sacred lot was connected with the ephod, which in the time
of the Judges was something very like an idol. Spencer, there-
fore, seems to be right in assuming a resemblance in point of
form between the priestly lot of the Urim and Thummim and
divination by Teraphim {De Legihus RUualibuSj lib. Ill, c. 3)."
So also Professor Moore {Judges, 1895, p. 382), who writes to
me: ^'Spencer was not the first to point out this (Christ, de
Castro, 1615, etc.)."
Schwally, in Stade's ZATW., Vol. XI (1891), p. 172, says:
<* Der Eid ist ein bedingter Pinch, vgl. den Sprachgebranch von
ilbM. G^rade der Zosammenhang von 'fluchen' nnd ^osen'
schimmert noch in dem Urim- nnd Tnmmim-Orakel durch. Denn
Urim gehOrt hOchst wahrscheinlich zn '^'^K fluchen." — In U^1CIV\
Schwally finds the idea of "blessing" (HS'^Sl).
W. Nowack, Lehrbuch der Hebnlischen Archdologie, Bd. II
(1894), pp. 93 sq., says: "Nach 1 Sam. 28:6, Dent. 33:8, etc.,
war das Mittel, wie die Befragung des Ephod geschah, die urim
und tummlm. Was aber unter diesen Ausdrtlcken zu verstehen
ist, sagt keine Stelle, eine durchaus begreifliche Erscheinung, denn
der alteren Zeit war diese Einrichtung bekannt, die spAtere Zeit
aber hatte selbst keine sichere Kenntnis davon Es waren
wol zwei heilige Loose, beziehungsweise, Steine, von denen der
eine bejahende, der andere verneinende Antwort bedeutete. Kam
keines der Loose beim Werfen (rnin) der Loose zum Vorschein,
so wies das auf den Unwillen Jahwes, der die Antwort verweigerte
(1 Sam. 14:37; 28:6). Die Bedeutung der WOrter Urim und
Tummim ist vOUig dunkel."**
H. Strack, in " Strack und ZOckler's Eurzgefasser Eommentar,
Altes Testament," I. Oenesis-Numeri ( 1894) , p. 254 : " Wir wissen
nur, dass die Hohepriester vor dem Exil vermittelst der U. und T,
Gk)tte8be8cheid einholten. Die U. und T. sind auch da gemeint
wo einer Befragung Jahwes mittelst des Ephods Erw&hnung
geschieht; 1 Sam. 23:9; 30:7 bringt der Hohepriester Ebjathar
den Ephod zu David. Hierher gehOrt auch 1 Sam. 14:3 und 37;
vs. 18 ist (wie Keil anerkannt) nach LXX zu lesen."
Baudissin, Die Qeschichte des alttestamentlichen Priester-
thums untersucht (1889), pp. 26, 27: "Der Hohepriester allein
darf in dem Ornate, welchen er bei den gewOhnlichen heiligen
soThoB also Bertholet, Deuteronomium (1890) ; H. Sohults, AlttegtamentUeke Theologie,
4i* Ann., p. 257, etc
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Ubim and Thummim 203
Handlungen anlegt, die Urim and Tummim tragen (Exod. 28:30 ;
Lev. 8:8). Nnr er kann das *Recht der Urim vor Jahwe' ver-
ktlndigen, wonach als gOttlichem Orakel Israel sich zu richten
hat (Num. 27:27)." Also see ibid., pp. 140, 141, where on the
basis of Neh. 7:65 ; Ezra 2:63 he says : " Es ist aber doch wohl
unwahrscheinlich, dass erst ein ezilisches oder nachezilisches
Gesetz den Hohenpriester mit den Urim and Tummim aus-
stattete, ohne doch einen Beprfisentanten daftlr zu haben oder
ohne iXher die Urim und Tummim zu verfflgen.'' And in chap,
yiii, ^'Geschichtliches Ergebniss," Baudissin gives a sketch of
the priestcraft in early Israel : " Wie es scheint, nur der jeweilige
Oberpriester der grCsseren Heiligthtlmer war im Besitz eines
besonderen von dem linnenen unterschiedenen Ephod, in welchem
die heiligen Orakel-Loose enthalten waren — das Vorbild der
Urim und Tummim 'Licht und Becht' des spAteren Hohen-
priesters. Der zweite dieser Namen verweist noch darauf , dass
die priesterliche Orakelertheilung ursprtlnglich vorzugsweise im
Dienste der Bechtspflege stand. Um einen Bechtsstreit zu ent-
8cheiden, erschien man *vor Gott,' d. h. man rief seine Ent-
scheidung an durch die Loose des Priesters." {Cf. ibid., p. 58
and rm. 1.)
Benzinger, Hebraische ArchOologie (1894), pp. 382, 407, 408 :
*^ Bei den alten Israeliten treffen wir, abgesehen von dem was als
Zauberei spftter fUr illegitim erklArt wurde, nur ein legitimes
Orakelmittel : das Losorakel, Dieses erscheint in engster Ver-
bindung mit dem Ephod Genauer erfahren wir (1 Sam.
14:41), dass das Orakel aus zwei Losen bestand, von denen das
eine 'Urim, das andere tummim hiess. Ihre Gestalt und Bedeutung
scheint allgemein bekannt gewesen zu sein. G^wOhnlich bedeuten
die Lose Ja und Nein," etc.
Driver, Leviticus (Haupt's polychrome edition of the Old
Testament), p. 71, says : " U. and T. literally : the lights and the
perfections."
T. Witton Davies, Magic, Divination and Demonology, 1898,
p. 75 :" " The * Urim and Thummim ' were simply two stones put
into the pocket attached to the high priest's ephod ; on them were
written some such words as *yes' and *no.' Whichever stone was
taken out, the alternative word upon it was looked upon as the
divine decision Cf. Jonah 1:7 sqq., where we read the
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204 Hbbbaica
mariners cast lots to find out on account of whom the storm was.
No condemnation is expressed in the biblical narrative/' "
Thenius-Lohr, Die BUcher SamueliSy 1898 (" Enrzgefasstes
exegetisches Handbuch zum Alten Testament"), p. 60: "Mit
dem Ephod war nnzertrennlich verbunden das heilige Loos
Das heilige Loos zu handhaben, war Sache eines Bemfspriesters.
Dieses priesterliche Orakel existiert neben dem prophetischen.
Li Alteren Zeiten scheint man das priesterliche dem prophetischen
Yorgezogen zu haben. Wenigstens hOrt David auf, Gad um Rat
zu fragen, sobald Ebjathar mit dem Ephod zu ihm gekommen
ist (1 Sam. 22:10; 23:9; 28:6; c/. 22:5)."
Eautzsch, in the Textbtbel des Alten und Neuen Testamentes
(Freiburg, 1899), p. 288 of the "Appendix to the New Testa-
ment," merely says : " Urim und Tummim, d. h. wahrscheinlich
^Licht und Unschuld.' Die heiligen Lose, durch welche die
Priester den Willen Gottes erkundeten. Wie es nach 1 Sam.
14:41 scheint brachte das Los Urim die Schuld dessen ans Licht,
wegen dessen Gott befragt wurde, dagegen das Los Tummim die
Unschuld.""
Many other citations could be added to these, but all agree
more or less closely with the views given above.**
In general we may summarize, "that the Urim and Tummim
have been identified with (a) stones in the high priest's breast-
plate, (6) sacred dice, (c) little images of * truth' and * justice,'
such as are found hung round the neck of an Egyptian priest's
mummy" (Ryle, Ezra and Nehemiahy p. 33).
>3 That this p&BBAge Bhould haye anythiog to do with the Orim and Tummim is only
one of the many strange idiosynorasies fonnd in this dissertation. For a general estimate of
the book see Morris Jastrow, Jr., in this Joubnal, Vol. XV, pp. 172, 178.
83 See also Kautssch in Protettant. RealencyelopOdie, 2^ Anfl., Vol. XVI, pp. 227, 228.
M See Siegfried and Stade, Hebraiache* WOrterbueh zum Alttn Te$tameiUe (1893). p. 18;
Winer, BibU RealwOrterbuch, 9» Anfl.. Bd. II (1848), pp. 643-8 ; Wittiohen in Schenkel's BibeU
Lexikon, Vol. 2 (1860), p. 403; and Steiner, ibid,. Vol. 5 (1875), pp. 851-8; G. Klaiber, Daa^
prie»terlictie Orakel der iBraeliten^ Stattgart, 1865 ; Riehm's HanduOrterbuch, 2to Anfl., VoL
I, pp. 914-18; Stade. Oeschichte, Vol. I. pp. 150, 471-3, 605 ffg., 517 ffg.; Holzinger, EinUitung in
den Hexateuch (1893), pp. 175, 253. Additional literature is also found in Knobel, Der
Propheti$mu$ der Hebrder, Vol. I, p. 5, rm. 2 ; Kalisch, Bxodiu, pp. 542-5 ; Ad. Kinzler, Die
bibli$chen AUertUmer, 6^ Aufl. (Calw nnd Stuttgart), 1884, pp. 127-9; and Robert Tuck, A
Handbook of Biblical Difficulties, New York (no date), Vol. I. pp. 431-3.— S. F. Hanoook,
*' The Urim and the Thummim," Old Testament Student (Vol. Ill, March, 1884, pp. 252-6), is
quite UDsatisfactory ; as is also H. E. Doskor, *' The Urim and Thummim,'* Presbyterian and
Reformed Review, October, 1892, pp. 717-80. Urim, suMSording to Dosker, is the means of
divine reyelation, while Thummim that of diyine decision and judgment, both constituting
the legitimate priestly revelation of God in contrast to the presumably illegitimate one by
means of the teraphim. A very convenient summary is also given in Kirkpatrick, The First
Book of Samuel, pp. 217, 218, with which compare the article '* Urim and Thummim ** in
Smithes Dictionary of the Bible (London), Vol. Ill (1898), pp. 1600-1606.
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205
III.
The first tablet of the Babylonian account of the creation, of
which thus far only mutilated copies have been found, relates the
creation of the gods Luchmu and Lachamu, An-sar, and
Ki-sar; Anu, Bel, and Ea; and probably also of the other
gods. Chaos was giving place to order. But the gods were not
allowed to live in peace, for Tiamat, their mother, turned in
hatred against them, and with their father Apsu, the primeval
ocean, plotted their destruction. The first tablet ends with a
description of the eleven monsters which Tiamat spawned to
aid her in the fight against the gods ; and
i-na ilani bu-uk-ri-sa su-par
(t-ut) is-ku-nu^-si pu-ux-rut]
u-sa-as-qi (*i) Kin-gu ina bi-
ri-8u-nu 8a-a-8u[u8-rab-bi]
a-H-kut max-ri pa-an urn-
ma-ni mu-'-ir-u-ut pu-ux-ri
na-a8(^«)kakke ti-io-bu-tu ti-
bu-u a-na[-an-tij
8u-par(t-ut) tam-xa-ri ra-
abM8ik-ka-tu-tu(-ti)
ip-qid-ma [<ia]-tu8-Su u-se-si-
ba-as-su ina [karri (kussit)]
a(d)-di ta-a-ka ina puxur
ilani u-sar-bi-ka
ma-li-kut (-ku-ut) ilani firim-
" ' tukp-ka
qa-
i-ri
eli
ra[-at]-8u-nu
u8-mal-li]
lu-u-8ur-ba-ta-(m)a xa-'
e-du-u at-ta
li-ir-tab-bu-u zik-ru-ka
kal[? kibrati?]
To prove this and to show to the other gods that Kingu was,
indeed, supreme,
id-din(-sum)-ma tup-simati
i-ra-at-su u-sat-me-ix
She exalted among the gods her
sons, whom she mid borne,
Eingu, and made him greatest
among them (saying) :
''To march before the host, let that
be thy mission,
Command the battle -signal, the
advance to the attack."
To be foremost in war, supreme in
the fight,
She intrusted to him, and placed
him upon a throne (saying) :
" With my charm and spell I have
raised thee to power among the
gods.
The dominion over all the gods I
have intrusted to thee.
Lofty thou shalt be, thou my
chosen (t) spouse;
Great be thy name in all [the
world t]."
ka-ta qibrit-]ka la in-nin-
na[-a li-kun ^i-it pi-i-ka]
in-na-nu (»i)Ki-(i)n-ffu su-us-
le(?)-qu-u [" a-nu-ti]
ana ilani [ma-rji-e-su (= sa)
qu-u le(
na ilani
Si-ma[-tu" is-tf-mu]
SB /. 6., hong them around his neok.
She gave him the Tablets of Dea-
tinyy and laid them upon his
breast (saying):**
"Thy command be never annulled,
• the word of thy mouth be au-
thority."
Thus exalted and having received
the power of A n u ,*•
Kingu ruled over the gods, her
children.*^
MEqualiog Ann in power.
37 For text and translation see Friedrich Delitzsch, Da» babylonitche WelttcMpfungB-
epo§ (Leix>sig, 1896), 160 pp.— Peter Jensen, Komnologie der Babylonier (Strassburg, 1890), pp.
261-^64, and AitifrUeh-babylani9ehe Mythen und Epen (= KB., Vol. VI), 1. Teil (Berlin, 1900),
pp. 2-48 ; Hoinrioh Zimmem's excellent translation published as an appendix (pp. 401-20) to
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206 Hebbaioa
The second tablet begins with a verbatim report of the situation
described jnst now. The gods are greatly distressed, and not one
dares to stand up against Tiamat and fight her host. An-sar,
Anu, and even £a, the god of the unfathomable wisdom, shrink
from meeting the terrible enemy. Thereupon M a r d u k ," the son
of Ea," volunteers to fight the monster, but on the condition that :
sum-ma-ma a-na-ku mu-tir ''When, forsooth, I have become
fi-mil-li-ku-un your avenger,
am-me Ti-amat-ma u-bal- Conquering Tiamat and thus
lat ka-su-un saving your life,
suk-na-a-ma pu-ux-ru su-ti- Then assemble the gods, them all,
ra i-ba-a sim-ti and proclaim my control as su-
preme,
ina Ub(p)-8u-(uk)ken-na-ki In Ubsukenna*** then enter ye
mit-xa-ris xa-dis tis-ba-ma all joyfully, and
ep-§u pi-la ki-ma ka-tu-nu- my word, instead of thine, shall
ma si-ma-tu lu-sim-ma assume control."
Ubsukenna (= Chamber of Fates) was the assembly room
of the gods, where, according to later Babylonian belief, the gods
determined on New Year's day (zagmuk(k)u)" the lot for king
and nation. Many Assyriologists have connected with this
Babylonian festival the Hebrew Purim, especially Jensen, in
Wildeboer's commentary on Esther (p. 173):** " "^^B soil Los
heissen. Im Assyrischen ist puru (oder burn) jetzt wenigs-
tens in der Bedeutung 'Stein' gesichert. Die Etymologic von
Hermann Onnkel's ScMpfung und CKctOB in Urgeit und Bndxeit (G^ttinffen, 1886); H.
Winekler, Keilintchriftlichet Texthuch gum Alien Testament (Leipzig, 1802), pp. 8M)8. There
are also French tramdatdons by MM. Joles Oppert and Joeeph Hal^ry. In addition to these
compare L. W. King, Fir$t Stept in Auyrian (London, 1806), pp. 122-00, and BabyUmian
Religion and Mythology (ibid., 1800), pp. 58-120; C. J. BaU, Light from the Etut, or the WU-
neu of the MonumenU (London, 1800), pp. 1-21 ; Geo. A. Barton, "Tiftmaf* in Journal of the
American Oriental Society y Vol. XV, pp. 3-27 ; and A. H. Sayoe in the Records of the Paet, New
Series, Vol. I (1888) , pp. 122-46. (See the present writer's article in Hbbbaica, Vol. IX, pp. 0-16.)
We also refer to Morris Jastrow's Religion of Babylonia and Aseyria (** Handbooks on the
History of Religions"), Boston, 1808, chap, xxi: **The (Cosmogony of the Babylonians*' (pp.
407-^, 724-7) ; to Ira Maurice Price, The Monumenie and the Old Teetament, 2d ed. (1000)^
chap. Til (pp. SOsqq.); and to the excellent articles of Alfred Jeremias on "Mardnk*' in
Boscher*s Au^fUhrliehet Lexikon der griechiechen und rOmi$chen Mythologie, VoL U. ooU.
2340-72 (1805), and of Zimmem-Cheyne on *' Creation" in Cheyne and Black's Encyclopaedia
Biblica, Vol. I (1800), cols. 068-64.
uOn Mardnk see Muss-Amolt, Conciee Dictionary of the Amyrian LanguagCt Part X,
pp. 586, 587, where most of the recent literature is mentioned.
w See the exoeUent article '* Oannee " by Alfred Jeremias in Roscher's Lexikon, Vol. IH
(1800), cols. 577-08; ConcUe DicHonary, p. 2; Hal^yy, Rev, de Vhiet, de$ religione. Vol. XVII,
p. 180; Delitssch, WelischOpfungtepoe, p. 04, rm. 2; Oeorg Hoffmann, ZA,, Vol. XI, pp. 272
W. (§§17-20).
M Concise Dictionary, p. 11 ; Delitssch, loe, eit., p. 135, and Handu)<trterbueh, p. 119 ;
Jensen, Koemologie, pp. 210 #99. ; Ball, Light from the B<ut, p. 5, rm. *.
«1 Concise Dictionary, p. 275.
« Die FUnf MegUloth (** Kurser Hand-Oommentar sum Alton Testament," Abteilaii«
17, 1806).
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Ubim and Thummim 207
b'^ia und griechisch '^<^<K lassen vermuten, dass damm ^^B ein
babylonisches Lehnwort ist. Auch das ftlhrt nns nach Babylo-
nien.'' The Babylonian zagmnku (Berossus ^aKcua) is the
festival of Mardnk, the god of the spring-tide son. The
account of the creation was probably written for the celebration
of this day.**
The gods acceded to the demand of Mardnk and placed him
on the royal throne. Surpassing his fathers in power, he took his
place as decider and ruler. He went forth to meet Tiamat
and her host. A great battle followed, in which Marduk van-
quished and slew his adversaries. Their opposition he trampled
under his feet :
u (*i) Ein-gu sa ir-ta(6)-bu-u Moreover, Eingu, who had been
[ ] ina [e-li]-8u-un great above all of them,
ik-mi-8u-ma it-ti ^^ e-la-a He defeated and did unto him as
tilm-ni-Su he had done to the other god8(?).
:im-su-ma tup-simati la si- Then tore he from him the Tablets
[m] a - 1 i - § u of Destiny y that did not belong
to him.
i-na k(q)i-8ib-bi ik-nu-ka(n)m- With his own seal he sealed them
ma ir-[t]u-[u]s it-mu-ux and laid them on his own breast.^
Then follows the account of the creation of heaven and the
deep ; of the constellations, determining the seasons of the year ;
and of the moon, the determiner of weeks and months. The last
tablet seems to be a hymn in praise of Marduk, who thus had
become the supreme god in the Babylonian pantheon.
The possession of the Tablets of Destiny (t(d)up3imati)**
carried with it, according to Babylonian belief, the supremacy
among the gods and absolute dominion over mankind. They
must have been originally the property of Anu; for Kingu,
when he received the Tablets of Destiny, obtained thereby the
*»On Pnrlm see Lagarde, PUrim (GOttingen, 1887), 53pp. (> fnrdig&n, farwardi-
gan; the Persian Ne\r Year); also Mittheilungen, Vol. II, pp. 878-81, and, again, Vol. IV,
p. 147, rm. 1. Lagarde^s derivation was partly supported hj Oppert in Rev, de$ itudea juive*
(1804), and combated by Hal6vy (i6id., 1887).— H. Zimmem, "Znr Frage nach dem Urspnmg
des Purimfestes," ZATW,, Vol. XI, pp. 157-60, derives pttrlm from Assyrian pux r n , through
the Aramaic, in the meaning of "meal.** He suggested also the identity of Mordecai with
god Marduk. See also Jensen, Wiener Zeittchr, far die Kunde de$ AforgerUandee^ Vol. VI,
pp. 47 s^g., 209 aqq, ; ZA.y Vol. X, pp. 839 tq. ; Gunkel, achOpfung und Chaoe^ pp. 309 tqq, ;
Meissner, ZDMO,, Vol. L, pp. 296-301 ; H. Vuilleumier, Rev. de thiologie et de philotophiet
VoL XXV, pp. 383HB, and C. H. W. Johns, Expoeitor, August, 1806, pp. 151-4; Grftneisen, Der
Ahnenkultue und die Urreligion ItraeU (1900), pp. 188 agg., eepeoially against Schwally,
Leben nach dem Tode (1802), pp. 42 »qq, ; Peiser, KB,, Vol. IV, p. 106, rm. *« ; Winckler, Alt-
orientali$ch€ Forechungen, Zweite Roihe, Band II, Heft 3 (Leipsig, 1900), pp. 334, 335, 350.
M Thus making them his own property.
*iConci$e Dictionary, p. 263; Delitssch, Handw&rterhuch, pp. 225, 226, 227; Jensen,
Koemologie, pp. 340, 341 ; Beitr. gur AMsyrioloffie, VoL II, p. 412; also ibid,. Vol. IV, pp. 130,
181, ad Tel-Amama, London, No. 82, 11. 35, 36.
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208 Hebbaioa
power of Ann. We do not know how Tiamat obtained them
from Ann; but it may perhaps be inferred from the similar
account in the legend of Zw, the god of storm and worker of
evil. Zu^was anxious to obtain the supremacy among the gods.^
He waited for an opportunity, and when, in an unguarded
moment, Bel-Marduk*^ was washing himself in clear, bright
water, Zu snatched away the Tablets of Destiny, assumed the
power of Bel-Marduk,^ and gave decisions and uttered decrees.
The gods were dismayed at the theft, and Bel-Marduk strode
in rage through the hall where the gods assemble.
I give here, in translation, the part of the Zu-legend with
which we are concerned :
Also the commands of all the gods he shaped.
He . . . . , he turned, he sent Zu.
As he (Zu t) had completed [this tl he approached Bel,
who was living at the shore of bright, pure waters.
His eyes beheld the insignia (t) of Bel's supremacy,
the royal cap of his sovereignty, and the robe of his godhead.
Zii gazed also at the tablets of destiny, belonging to the god.
And as he saw the father of the gods, the god of DUB- AN-EI,
eager desire for the supremacy took possession of his heart.
As Zu saw the father of the gods, the god of DUB-AN-EI,
eager desire for the supremacy took possession of his heart :
''I will take the tablets of destiny of the gods, even I ;
and I will direct all the decrees (oracles) of the gods.
I will [establish] a throne, and dispense commands ;
I will rule over all the spirits of heaven ! "
And after his heart had planned the attack,
he awaited the dawn of morning at the entrance to the palace (of the
gods) which he had seen.
Now, when Bel had washed himself in the bright, pure waters,
had ascended his throne, and placed upon his head the royal cap,
Zu seized with his hand the tablets of destiny;
he took Bel's supremacy, the power of giving commands.
After Zii had flea away and [had tumea t] mounfcainward,
frief was poured out, and cries resounded,
heir father, their decider, their . . . . , Bel,
poured out his rage through the palace ;
and the goddesses turned [to him ?] at his command (t).
Then Anu opened his mouth and said,
spoke unto the gods, his children :
"Who will vanquish Zu and thus
M So admirably edited by Professor B. T. Harper in the Beitrdge tur Amyriologie, YoL
II, pp. 406-18, 465-75. See, now, Jensen, Mythen und Epen^ pp. 47 sqq,
*f It is well known that M a r d u k was often identified in later time with the older god
Bel. Being at the head of the Babylonian pantheon, he was oaUed the be In par excellence,
and then n Bel. It is possible, however, that we have to do here with the older god Bgl.
If so, the legend is probably older than that of the Creation-aooonnt, in which Ann seema
to be the rightful possessor of the Tableti of Destiny, by whom they are transferred to (Bel) -
Marduk.
MThe text reads: (H) Bel-n-ti il-te-qi (na-dn-n par-Qi), oorretpondiiig to the
le-qu-u "A-nu-ti of the creation aooonnt.
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Ubim and Thummim 209
make great his name among the nations of all the lands ?''
They called their leader, the son of Anu.
And Anu spoke to him, and gave him the command.
A dad, the leader they called, the son of Anu ;
and Anu spoke unto him, gave him this command:
*'Thou mighty, terrible Adad ; let not thy attack be repulsed I
Kill Zu with thy weapon !
Then thy name shall be great in the assembly of the great gods.
Thou shalt not have a rival among the gods thy brothers.
Shrines shall exist and be built [unto thee] ;
and in the four quarters [of the world] shall be established thy mansion.
Tea, even in Ckur shall enter thy mansion!
Thou shalt be brilliant above the gods and mighty shall be thy name I"
But Adad answered to this command,
and spoke thus to his father Anu:
''My father, who can go to the mountain that is inaccessible t
Who among the gods, thy children, is like unto Zu t
He has seized witn his hand the tablets of destiny,
has taken Bel's supremacy, the power of giving commands.
Zu has fled away and [has turned ?] mountainward.
The word of his mouth has [now the same power t] as [thus far] that of
the gods of DUK-AN-KI.
He [that was mighty before tl is now considered as dirt.
But [to] his (Zu's) command bow even [the gods]."
Thereupon Anu told Adad not to go.
The same refusal Anu receives at the hands of Is tar and
her son Bara.
We may infer from the reference to Zu's final end that some
god (3 am a 8?) undertook the task of regaining the Tablets of
Destiny, with which Zu had fled to his mountain home, by
catching him in his net.**
The power which Marduk had as the possessor of the Tofe-
lets of Destiny must have descended from him to his son, the god
Nebo (Nabu). The two gods are continually associated in
Babylonian literature. It was the statue of Nabu, of Borsippa,
and that of Itfarduk, of Babylon, the two gods residing in
Ezida and Esagila, respectively, that were carried about in
solemn procession at the New Year's festival (akitu), that is, on
the day when the fate was decreed for king and the nation."*
Nabii was the great and lofty messenger of the gods to man-
kind." He it is that holds together the world." He is the patron
*• Told in the " Legend of Etana," Beitr. zur Assyriologie, Vol. II, pp. 391-408, 489-68. •
w Neb., i, 4 ; KB., UI (1), pp. 184-5, ool. U, 1-2 ; (2) 2-3, 14 ; 4-5, 16 ; V E. 46 a-6 20 ; delBU an
95; m R. 57 a 57. ^^
sil R.51, No. 1 b 16, Na-bi-um mir ki-i-nim sa-uk-ka-al-lam ^i-i-ri S^
la-|a na-ra-am n Marduk. Also see IV R. 14. No. 3 1-2 (H Na-bi-am = AN-
KB., Ill (1), p. 46, IL 11-12; Jensen, Koamologie, p. 143; Jastrow, Religion of Babylon
Auyria. p. 500.
&3The rikis kSlfima. 11 R. 6Ct, No. 2, 28; paqid kiSSat nagbi, etc
c-d 27 ; Neb., i, 43 ; I R. 35, No. 2, 8 ; 51, No. 1 a 18. Society of
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210 Hebbaioa
of the scribes and the priests, and as sach is called Nabu dnp-
sar gim-ri; also dnp-sar £-sag-gil." He is wisdom per-
sonified (AN -AG); the god who gives oracles (ba-nu-u
pi-ris-ti) and who reveals the decision of the gods. These
and many more titles of Nab a are mentioned on plates 43 and
46 in V Rawlinson. According to J. Hal6vy he is the prophet-
god, the mediator between God and man.
In early inscriptions we find him called also iln tas-me-tum
= god of revelation,** a title later applied to a goddess (Nabu's
consort Nana ?), mentioned always together with Nabu."
In an inscription published by Father Scheil in the Reciteil
des Travaux, Vol. XVI, p. 177, 3 (end), Nabu is called na-si
duppu si-mat ilani, and on tablet K. 140, 3, we read: (^^>
Nabu nas dup-si-mat ilani. Dupsimati = Tablets of
Destiny is usually written DUB-NAM-MES, K. 3454 and K.
3935, ii, 7, 20 ; Creation-account, III, 47 and 105, etc. In addi-
tion to Tablets of Destiny^ we find mentioned also tablets on
which are inscribed the sins of mankind, e. g.j K. 2333 jR 9 sqq.^
duppi arnesu zitatisu qillatisu mamatisu tumama-
tisu ana me linnada: *' may the tablet recording his misdeeds,
sins, perversities, spells, and oaths be cast into the water (and
thus blotted out forever").** Lines 22-24 of the Stelen-inschrift
S* read :
(ii)Na-bi-um dup-dar £-sae-gil
u-me bala|i-du arkuti ina dup-pi lis-tur
di-mat la-ba-ri li-sim si-mat-su
^'May Nabu, the scribe of Esagil, put down on his tablet his
days for a long life and give him old age as his portion." " On
M Lahmann, SanuMumukln, Vol. II, pp. 10, 11, L 22 ; S7. His ideogram A N • P A described
him as the god of the writing styloe.
MLiterallj: god of hearing, II B.Wa-6 58.
u See Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Ajuyria^ pp. 180 tgg., and, on the other hand*
Tiele, ZA., Vol. XIV, p. 187 : " N abfl iat eine spAtere Conception des alten Gottee Ton Bor^
sippa, nnd dieser war nraprflnglich kein anderer als Ifardnk, als iln taimeti: Gottder
Offenbamng." Strassmaier, ^r.,No.8827; Haupt, ^^JTT., 82, 747, KUR-NU-UN | LAL |
II tafi-me-tnm; II R. 48 or^ 39 (BrOnnow, 10125, 10188) ; m R. 66 O c 27 ; 43, 30. ZA., I,
*99, 2, TaS-me-tnm dam-qat (a proper name); also (d^V Tafi-me-tnm-mu-H-qat,
Iptrassmaier, AV,y No. 8828. The reading Tafi-me-tnm (as against -Sip-) is assured bj
^e variant in Berlin Congreu <^ OrientaliMU, Vol. II, 1, 862, od B 67, 25, fianat Tafi-mi-
ng^m. Nabu and Taimetum are mentioned mostly in colophons, e.g.,, &•, ool. ri, 20,
^n)AK(u) out) Tai.me.tum,etc; U B. 21, 82 ; 23, 41 ; 27, 24 ; 38, 64 ; IVa, 14. No. 3, U 4 ;
If so {OP^OQ* 2- Ideogram also K. 3464, 40; Rm. 122, 53; Rm. 274, 10; K. 3412, 25, dut) taA-
tobettfv"^ kal-lat Bsagila. According to J. Haldry, Rev, de Vhittoire dee religione
Marduk^* ta6meta = *' chose entendue, tradition, oracle.'*
48 The Zimmern, SurpU^ ii, 188 eqq.
le-qn*u " /lann, Safnaiiumuktni Vol. II, pp. 10, 11, 57.
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Ubim and Thummim 211
the other hand, in Strassmaier, Leyden, No. 160, 1. 9, ^e read :
Nabu (a™®i) dup-sar E-sag-gil u-mu-sn ar-kn-tu li-
kar-ri, "may Nabu shorten (literally: blot out) his future
days."
It has been shown by Tallqvist in his edition of the series
Maqlu^ (I, pp. 24 sqq.) and by Zimmem, Ritualtafeln^ p. 87,
that the functions of the Babylonian priests as interpreters,
prophets, and enchanters are derived ultimately from £a and
his son Marduk, and we may assume here, on the basis of many
passages, also from Nabu, the son of Marduk and prophet of
the great gods. The functions of the Babylonian priest were :
(1) the same as those of the Roman haruapex, the examiner of
omens, hence baru from baru "see, examine;" (2) to deliver
oracles (tereti; sgl, tertu); hence he is called also mudu
terti,** "one knowing oracles" (K. 7331); and (3) to prophesy,
foretell.
The seer (baru) consulted the god, whose answer was either
Yes or No. Quite often the god sends to his people an urtu,**^ a
command to do, or not to do, something. Urtu belongs to the
same stem from which is derived tertu, the terminus technictcs
for oracle." The gods speak (tamu, utammu) to the priest
(baru) the oracle, which they reveal to him ; and the oracle is
called the tamit piristi "the mysterious word, revelation."
IV.
I cannot help believing that God "at sundry times and in
divers manners spake in time past," not only unto the fathers
by the prophets, but to all mankind, in ways which it is now
almost impossible to trace precisely. With this conviction as
a starting-point I long ago came to the conclusion'^ that the
mythological account of the Tablets of Destiny, as found in the
Babylonian account of the creation and the legend of Zw, and
the Old Testament TJrim and Tummim, both shaping the destiny
of king and nation, revert to the same fountain-head and origin.
^Die assyriache Be$ehw6runo»»^ne MaqlH, Nach den Oricrinalen im Britischen
MaBeum herausgrgeben yon Knut L. Tallqvist. (Acta Societatis Scientiarum FenniciB,
Tom. XX, No. 6.)
MM£-A.ZU = mu.di.e ter-te, Bowler 252, J2 11 ; BrOnnow 10880.
Wuma*ir urtu kabittu, etc.
81 On the relation of tertu to H'^iH see below, p. 222.
^i This paper was first announced for the December, ld91, meeting of the Society of
Biblical l^zegesis in Philadelphia, Pa. ; but was not read at that time.
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212 Hebbaiga
I may be wrong ; if so, let us begin over again ; and may some
other student be more successful. Let me, at once, ask the
question :
Is it really beyond doubt that the earliest religious concep-
tions of a nation belonging to the same family as the Hebrews,
and living at no time far from that people — perhaps at one time
even together with it, if Gten. 11:29 and 31 tell the true story —
must necessarily have originated from below, if I may be allowed
to say so, must be mere human invention, while the other nation**
received its fundamental religious instruction from above, by
means of special divine revelation ? Is it not more probable
that, from a common basis, there developed, in the course of time,
among the Assyrio-Babylonians the belief in the Tablets of Des-
tiny, and among the early Hebrews the belief in that powerful
oracle " the Urim and the Tummim " ? Notwithstanding the frag-
mentary account of Babylonian literature and the scanty report
of Old Testament writers, we can yet gather some points common
to both:
1. According to Exod. 28:30; Lev. 8:8, etc., the Urim and
Tummim were resting within the breastplate, i, 6., on the breast
of the high priest ; in the Babylonian account we find the Tablets
of Destiny resting on the breast of their possessor.** Only as
long as they were resting on the breast of the god in the one
nation, and on that of the high priest in the other nation, were
they efficacious.
2. In the Babylonian account only gods were the lawful pos-
sessors of the Tablets of Destiny; but here only those gods who,
in some way, were considered the messengers and mediators
between the other gods and mankind (Marduk and Nabu).
Originally they were undoubtedly the property of the god Anu
and came into the hands of Tiamat and Kingu, in a way we
know not. When Nabu became the chief mediator between the
gods and mankind, he possessed the dupsimati. In Israel the
tJrIm and Tummim were intrusted by Yahweh to Moses and
through him to the high priest as the representative of Yahweh
and the mediator between God and nation, to whose decision, by
means of the UrIm and Tummim, even kings bowed in obedience.
8. There is, to be sure, in the Assy rio- Babylonian records, as
far as we possess them now, no statement as to the exact number
M Tribe or clan, whatever it may have been in the be^nnlng.
•* See also the book of Jubilees, chap. 8 ; Geseniua^^, p. 21.
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Ubim and Thummim 213
of Tablets of Destiny. We know that there was more than one ;**
it may not be too hazardous to assume that there were only two,
one lying on each breast, the one revealing (or prognosticating?)
good fortune, the other misfortune. To the possessor of such
tablets the Assyrio- Babylonian belief could not but ascribe
supreme authority and dominion over all mankind. The Old
Testament account of the tJrim and Tummim indicates that there
were only two objects (lots?)." Have the other two "Tablets of
Destiny," the two tables of testimony, the tables of stone, written
with the finger of God, which Moses brought from Sinai, after
all, some connection, direct or indirect, with the Babylonian
Tablets of Destiny, or with the Urim and the Tummim ?
4. We are told that Marduk, after he had torn the Tablets
of Destiny from the breast of his dead foe, Kingu, sealed them
with his own seal. There may be a reminiscence of this in Exod.
28:21, where it is said of the twelve stones upon the breastplate :
''And the stones shall be with the names of the children of Israel,
twelve, according to their names, engraved in the manner of a seal
for each of the twelve tribes." The use of twelve stones, one for
each of the twelve tribes, in addition to the two lots (of stone) is
perhaps of some significance in this connection.
5. Marduk, bearing on his breast the Tablets of Destiny,
presided at the annual assembly of the gods where the fate was
determined and the lot was cast for king and nation. It is the
general opinion that the TJrim and Tummim were consulted only
in cases where the safety of king or nation was concerned.
These features, common to both — to which some other points,
of minor importance, might be added — have led us to assume that
the Babylonian Tablets of Destiny and the Urim and Tummim
were originally one and the same, a means by which, according to
the belief of the early ancestors of both nations, the divine powers
(or power) communicated their will and their decisions to king
and nation.
K We infer this from DUB-NAM-MEd (=dapSim&ti), written thus in the creation
account.
M Ezra 2:63 (= Neh. 7:65) forbids us to assume poet-exilic, or eyen exilic, origin of the
belief in the Crim and the Tummim on the part of the Israelites. Baudissin, Die Oetchichte
d€$ altteMtamentlichen PriesterthurM, p. 141, speaks to the point when he Eays : "Da die
Urim und Tummim als Torhanden auch weiterhin nicht erwAhnt werden, und Josephus fiber
dieselben offenbar nicht mehr ffenau unterrichtet ist, so fehlten sie vermuthlich dem nach-
exilischen Hohenpriester auf die Dauer. Dann ist es aber doch wohl unwahrscheinlich, dass
erst ein exUisches oder nachexilifiches Gesetz den Hohenpriester mit den Urim und Tummim
ausstattete. ohne doch einen Beprftsentanten dafOr eu haben oder ohne Aber die Urim und
Tummim zu TerfOgen."
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214 Hebbaica
Of great interest, in this connection, are Cheyne's remarks on
the "Contents of the Ark" {Encyclopedia Biblical Vol. I, col.
307) : "As to its contents, the inscribed 'tables of stone,' which we
should never have expected to find in the Holy of Holies, were
but a substitute of the imagination for some mystic symbol or
representation of Yahweh. Of what did that symbol consist?
We are, of course, bound to do what we can to minimize the
fiction or error of the Deuteronomist ; but we must not deviate
from the paths of historical analogy. These duties are reconciled
by the supposition that the ark contained two sacred stones (or
one) [c/. Vatke, Die Religion dea A. T., p. 321 ; Stade, Oeschichte
des Volkea Israel, pp. 457 sq.; Benzinger, Hebrdische Archd-
ologie, p. 370. There were, and still are, two sacred stones, a
black and a white, built into the wall of the Ka^ba at Mecca ; see
William Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early
Arabia, pp. 297 sq.]. This view, no doubt, implies a survival of
fetishism ; but there are traces enough of fetishism elsewhere in
Hebrew antiquity to justify it. The stones (or stone) must have
been ancient in the extreme. They (or it) originally had no
association with Tahweh ; they represented the stage when mys-
terious personality and power were attached to lifeless matter.
Being portable, however, they were different from the sacred
stones of Bethel, Beth-shemesh, Shechem, and En-rogel, and are
most naturally viewed as specimens of those bsBtyls, animated
stones, which, according to Sanchoniathon, were formed by the
heaven-god, and were presumably meteorites."
Benzinger, Hebrdiache Archdologie, pp. 368 sq,, says : " Die
Frage, was die Lade [t. e., the ark] ursprtlnglich bedeutete, wird
von der Tradition im Anschluss an die tlbereinstimmenden Berichte
des Pentateuch dahin beantwortet, dass in der Lade die Q^setzes-
tafeln liegen, die Mose am Sinai von Jahwe bekommen habe.
.... Die Theorie von den Gesetzestafeln ist leicht als eine
spfttere Umdeutung erkenntlich Nicht die Lade verdankt
don Gesetzestafeln ihre Existenz, sondem umgekehrt ; mit andem
Worten : Die Lade genoss schon lange vorher eine Verehrung,
ehe man darauf kam, in ihr Gesetzestafeln zu suchen. Nirgends
in den angefflhrten Erzahlungen der BB. Sam. ist darauf ange-
spielt, dass die Lade Tafeln enthalte Diese Auffassung
der Lade muss also noch jtlnger sein als die betreffenden Berichte
in den BB. Sam. Die Tradition von den Gesetzestafeln kann sich
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Ubim and Thummim 215
allerdings nicht ana nichts gebildet haben ; wir warden vielmehr
daraus schliessen mtlssen, dass die Lade schon in der Altesten Zeit
Steine oder einen Stein enthielt," etc.
Granting, in the main, the correctness of these views, it seems
to me that here also a connection can be shown to have existed
between the Urim and Tommim, the Tablets of Destiny, the (two)
tables of stone ( Exod. 24 : 12) , and the two tables on which, accord-
ing to the belief of the Old Testament, the Decalogue was engraven.
The Old Testament records, later than the books of Samuel, place
these two tables in the ark of the covenant, calling them 'Hhe
tables of the Law ;" in other words, this belief gained ground at
about the time when the consultation of Yahweh by means of the
^rim and the Tummim appears to have ceased.
7e read Exod. 24:12 : ''And the Lord said unto Moses, Come
up to me into the mount, and remain there, and I will give thee
together with the tables of stone both the Law and the Command-
ment (msarn rriinrn ]2txn nnb-nst), which i have written
for their [the people's] instruction." Without arguing about
the early or late character of the Hebrew forms and expressions
used here, it seems to me that the idea e^ressed represents the
earliest stage of the accounts of the giving of the Law ; an older
tradition than the other references in the Old Testament (t. 6.,
Exod. 31:18, ''And he gave unto Moses, when he made an end
of speaking with him on Mount Sinai, two tables of testimony,
tables of stone, written with the finger of God ;" also see 32:15,
16; 34:1, 4, 28, 29; Deut. 4:13; 5:22; 9:10, 11, all of which
represent a later development of the Hebrew belief concerning
the tables of stone) . Li Exod. 24 : 12 " the tables of stone " appear
distinct from "the Law" and "the Commandment." Thus also
the LXX : Kal Bcmtod aoi rib irv^la rh Xldiva^ rov v6fAov ical r^
hnokh^ &9 lypayfta. [ Professor Moore writes : " Is the text of 24 : 12
sound ? The contrary is the prevailing opinion." But my inter-
pretation differs from the prevailing view concerning this verse.]
It seems to me that " the tables of stone," given at the same
time with "the Law" and "the Commandment," have no connec-
tion at all with the giving of the Decalogue,*^ but are a reminis-
cence of a primitive Semitic belief in divine Tablets of Destiny,
87 On the other hand see Fxiedrich Gieeebreoht, Die OeBchichtHctikeit de9 Sinaihundes
unienueht (KOnigsberg, 1900), although the author admits (p. 4) that the account in Exod.,
chap. 34, compared with that in Exod., chap. (s. 21-) 24, is "einfacher, menschlioher, weniger
mirakelhaff See also ibid.f pp. 5&-<a, where GKeeebrecht argues for the early date of these
chapters.
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216 Hbbbaiga
Now, the Urim and Tummim are mentioned as something known
to Moses and the people, and are believed to have been of stone.
Is it too bold to assume that "the tables of stone'* in Exod. 24:12
are the same as the Urim and Tnmmim, at least according to the
belief of the early Hebrews? It is noteworthy that, after David,
there is, in the Old Testament, no further mention of the con-
sultation of Yahweh by means of the Urim and Tummim, and
that, after Solomon had placed the ark in the Holy of Holies,
we hear no more concerning the Urim and Tummim. We
agree with Benzinger, Die Bilcher der Kdnige ("Kurzer Hand-
Commentar," Abt. IX, 1899), p. 58: "Dass die Lade noch zu
Davids und Salomos Zeit eine andere Bedeutung hatte, ersieht
man klar aus I Sam. 5, 6, II Sam. 6 : sie war das numen praesens,
nicht Behalter von Gesetzestafeln ; ebenso auch bei JE, Num.
10:35, 36." ["It is noteworthy that they are not mentioned in
Deuteronomy" — George F. Moore.] With the rise of Hebrew
prophecy, the consultation of God by means of the Urim and
Tummim fell into desuetude. But their importance and sacred-
ness must have remained the same for many ages. They were,
according to our conception of the belief of the writers of the
Old Testament records, placed in the "ark of Yahweh ;" and this
became the numen prcesens. In course of time the belief in the
two tables of the Law, containing the ten commandments, gained
more and more in importance, and they, in turn, became to later
generations what the Urim and Tummim had been to earlier
generations. But what had become of these two tables of the
Law, written with the finger of God ? Had anyone seen them ?
No! Yet where else could they be if not in the "ark of Yahweh"
(2 Sam. 5:6 sgg.), which a later generation now called the "ark
of the covenant"? There they were deposited — as Deut. 10:5
tells us — with a view to their safe-keeping and in token of their
paramount importance. And so it came to pass that "the two
tables of the Law" took the place of the Urim and Tummim in
the ark of Yahweh, where they probably had been placed by
Solomon. And thus 1 Kings 8:9 now consistently says : "There
was nothing in the ark save the two tables of stone which Moses
put there at Horeb, when the Lord made a covenant with the
children of Israel, when they came out of the land of Egypt."
If this view of the relation between the Urim and Tummim
and the two tables of the Law, the ten commandments, is correct^
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Ubim and Thummim 217
we have, in the Old Testament, a blending of an earlier and a
later belief; the one, as Cheyne correctly says, a survival of
fetishism, the other an advance toward that ethical monotheism
of Amos and his successors (see also article "Decalogue" in
Cheyne-Black, Encyclopcedia Biblica, Vol. I, cols. 1049-1051).
Both traditions assume Moses as the mediator between Yahweh
and the nation. The Urim and Tummim, and the consultation of
Yahweh by means of them, was more in consonance with the early
beliefs and religious customs of the neighboring Semitic nations.
As Israel advanced toward a more ethical monotheism, Yahweh
grew more distant and communicated with his people by the more
ethical medium of the decalogue, which again becomes subordinate,
in importance, when Old Testament prophecy and prophets rule
and sway the religious belief of the nation. Whether the ark,
even in its oldest conception and form, antedates the Urim and
Tummim, as we have interpreted them, cannot be determined. It
seems to us that they are cotemporaneous, and that they must
have had some connection, in the religious worship of the early
nation, from their first existence.
Other fundamental religious conceptions, common to both
nations, also developed in different directions in conformity with
the general trend of each nation's religious convictions. I recall
to the reader's mind the account of the creation, of the flood and
its consequences, and of the institution of sabbath.** Neither
nation borrowed these accounts from the other ; both had them
from time immemorial ; but they developed them differently under
different conditions." When Babylonian mythology developed,
the original conception of the Tdblets of Destiny must have under-
gone changes, as we can infer from the account of the creation,
which expresses the conceptions held by the Babylonians either at
the time of the original composition of the account or at that of
its last redactor. The fact that we have several accounts of the
creation, going back, undoubtedly, to one and the same original
conception, is evidence that Babylonian religious literature had its
redactors and editors, as well as Old Testament literature.
M Where I find myself greatly in accord with Professor Jastrow^s results, printed in the
American Journal of Theology, Vol. 11, pp. 350-52. See also Professor Toy in the Journal
qf Biblical Literature, Vol. XVUI (1899), pp. 190-^.
MOnly a few weeks ago Alfred Jeremias published a small pamphlet on H6lle und
Paradiee bei den BabyUmiem (= " Der Alte Orient/' I, Heft 3), in which he points out some
striking resemblances among the Babylonians to the religious conceptions of the Old
Testament writers.
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218 Hebbaiga
It is probably only the latest development of Babylonian
religious belief that we find expressed in the account of the
creation, just as we assume the same in the case of the Urim and
Tummim of the Old Testament. In Israel, the development of
a strict monotheism necessarily modified the conception of the
Urim and Tummim also. To be sure, we find no description of
the Urim and Tummim in the Old Testament; they are men-
tioned as something familiar and known to Moses and the people,
an inheritance received from the time of their i^cestors. The
very fact that the Old Testament assumes that Moses and the
people were familiar with and cognizant of the nature of the
Urim and Tummim confirms, to some degree, my views concern-
ing their early existence and original nature and significance.
They were naturally connected with the functions of the high
priest as the mediator between Yahweh and his people.
The etymology of the D'H^M and D^D , suggested by Zim-
mem and others, is another proof of the correctness of the
explanation given here.
It is a well-known fact that the so-called plural ending (tTy)
of the two words expresses the pluralis intensivtis; they are
plurals only in form, but not in meaning.
I connect D'^'I^S, not with ^HR "curse, put under the ban,"
as Schwally and others have done, but with the Assyrian u'uru,
the infinitive Piel of a'aru, from which are derived also the
nouns urtu "command, order, decision" (usually of the gods)
and tertu (originally of the same meaning).'** Both occur fre-
quently in Assyrio-Babylonian literature in sentences analogous
in form to those in which we find tJrim and Tummim used in the
Old Testament. The plural D-JS "fires" (c/. Isa. 24:15) has no
doubt had some infiuence in shaping the analogous form D'H^^
= urtu. D^n I connect with the Assyrian tamu, Piel
tummu, verbal forms also belonging to the oracular language.
TO So especially Zimmem, RittuUtafeln^ p. 91, rm. 2, and others. Ball, Light from the
SiuU in the " List of Proper Names/' translates U, and T. by ** biddings and forbiddings(t).**
Professor Moore writes: **As the ori^nal nature and meaning of * tablets^— if your
hypothesis is right— do not exclude the nse of these objects (as lots, apparently) to decide
an alternative, so the foreign etymology of the names need not shut oat a Hebrtf«w popular
etymology in which 1|^— the unfavorable alternative — was connected with ■1"\J^ and the
other with DISH • My opinion has been that they may first have been employed in cases of
obscure crime, as a kind of ordeal by lot/'
Professor H. P. Smith says : ** With regard to your main thesis I should make a dis*
tinction between the documents. I think it altogether likely that the Priestoode with its
elaborate breastplate was influenced by Babylonian conceptions and among others by the
Tablets of Destiny. So far you have a strong case.— In the older documents I am not so
certain of Babylonian influence— at least of direct Babylonian influence. The sacred lot
so readily suggests itself as a means of determining the divine will that it mi^t be a
Canaanitish, Phcsnician or Aramaic institution, or a direct product of the Hebrew rallgioQ."
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Ubim and Thummim 219
If these derivations are correct, D'^'^^K and D''J3F1 would cor-
respond to the Babylonian urtn ("command, decision," mostly
of the gods) and tamltu, a synonym of piristu = oracle,
oracular decision (of the gods).
That the original meaning of the two words and their signifi-
cance were known even at the time when the Old Testament
records, in which they are mentioned, were written, I almost
doubt ; that they were not known either to the Greek translators
or to the early Massoretes I am firmly convinced.
To strengthen the argument concerning the relation between
the Babylonian Tablets of Destiny and Babylonian oracular
divination, on the one hand, and the Old Testament Urim and
Tummim, on the other hand, I call attention to a number of tech-
nical terms used in the ritual of Hebrew and Babylonian religion
and cult, which are either common to both or borrowed, on the
part of the Hebrew, from the Babylonian. This has been pointed
out by many Assyriologists and students of the Old Testament.
Thus the word *©Sl in its technical meaning to "atone" is iden-
tical with the Assyrian k u p p u r u . The Syriac *)DSl , with the same
meaning, is borrowed either from the Babylonian or the Hebrew ;
and the Arabic ^ &g&in, in the same restricted meaning, from
the Aramaic. See, especially, Lagarde, Vl)ersicht, pp. 230 «gg."
In Exod. 12:7 (where the institution of the passover is
related) we read : "And they shall take of the blood, and strike
it on the two side posts and on the lintel of the houses wherein
they shall eat it." Compare with this the following sentence from
a ritual-tablet for the asipu (enchanter, sorcerer), col. iii, 19-21:
The enchanter shall go out of the kamu-gate, shall offer
a lamb in the gate of the palace, and then cover with the blood of this
lamb, the lintel (?)
and the posts to the right and to the left of the gate of the palace.^
71 Oeeeniosis, and literature given there ; also Brown-Gesenins, p. 497 ; Chejme-Blaok,
EncyclopuRdia Biblica^ Vol. I, cols. 383-9 ; Zimmem, Riiualtafeln^ p. 92.
7aZimmem, Ritualtafeln far den Wahraager, Be9ehtD<irer und Sdnger; erste H&lfte
(= Zweite Liefenmg of Beitrdge sur Kenntnis der bcibylonitchen Reliffion^ ^^Assyriologisohe
Bibliothek,*' XII, 2)« Leipzig, 1899, p. 126. The text reads as follows :
(am«i) maimaSn ina bibi kame nooa-ma fiii*[A ]
ina bab ekalli inakki(-ki)iDa d&mi arisi(-si) fiu-a-tam
I-[LU/A = askuppati ; so completed by Zimmem]
LI7-MAd/'*u sib-bi-e imni u iameli fia bab ekal[li
On L IT • M A d /'• Zimmem has the note : " Vielleioht zu lesen m & i i * Zwillinge ;* vergl.
dasQ IV R. 21 6 80 Bqq,^ wo et sich am kriegerische Zwillingsgeetalten handelt, die inmitten,
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220 Hebbaiga
The word TCB "passover" also belongs here. The latest
concerning this word, on this side of the ocean, has been written
by Professor Toy in the Journal of Biblical Literature, 1897, pp.
178, 179. We read on p. 179 : " If it is thus made probable that
the verb (nCB) expresses a ritual motion, the noun will naturally
mean *dance. ' " This sense is mentioned as conceivable in Gesenius'
Thesaurus, but is not approved. There seems, however, nothing
improbable in the supposition that the old nomadic Hebrew
Spring Festival should be called *the dance,' this dance being
the principal ritual ceremony of the year ; the lamb offered would
then be * the lamb or sacrifice of the pesah,* and finally the term
nCB would come to designate the feast or the lamb. Such a
festival would naturally be connected with the offering of first-
born animals {cf. Exod. 34:19); but the lamb sacrificed at a
joyous nomadic feast would probably not be looked on as a sub-
stitute for men, and would not be called *a lamb of exemption.' "
Valuable as these remarks are, I cannot help siding with Zim-
mem,^* who explains the word as probably borrowed from the
Assy rio-Baby Ionian pasaxu, pussuxu, which is the terminus
technicus for the "conciliation of the incensed deity." This
etymology, again, appears to me far preferable to that of Fr.
Hommel, who derives from the Egyptian "the much -debated
Pesakh (Passah).""
We have in Hebrew the verb IDllb (also found in Aramean,
etc.) in the meaning of to "whisper, charm." According to
W. Robertson Smith, Journal of Philology, Vol. XIV (1885),
p. 122, it meant originally something like serpent-charming.
boBiehungsweise, links and reohts vom Thore als Sohntsgeuter anllgMtellt werden. Beacbte
aooh die Zwillingssteme LU ma-ii, ttber welche Jensen, Komnologie^ pp. 47, 144 S9«.,
bandelt.''
Zimmem's RituaU(nfeln are of the greatest importance for the study of comparatiTe
Semitic religion, and deserve careful attention and the closest study on the part of all
students of Semitic languages and literatures. Especially noteworthy is his ** Introduction""
(pp. 81-95), to which we shall refer time and again.
73 This obserration, if I mistake not, was made several years before by Schwally:
nQB from paadx^ II = " dance," not from pasdx^ I = ** pass by.*" See also Grttneisen, Der
AhnenkuUuM^ p. 191 : '* Das Passahopfer ist unverkennbar ein FrOhlingsfest der Hirten, bei
dem die Brstlinge dargebracbt wurden, aber kein Totenfeet."
7« GeeeniusK. p. 671 ; Ritualtafeln, p. 92, rm. 9.
7S The Ancient Hebrew Trckdition (1897), pp. 291, 292: ** In the case of no other religious
festival do we find so much stress laid upon its memorial character as in this (c/. Exod.
12:14), and there must be something more than mere coincidence in the fact that the
Egyptian word sacha^ (radically related to the Babylonian 9akhAru = *to seek, to reflect
upon,' and the common Semitic element sakAru [see, however, Zimmem, Theologiecke
Rundschau, Vol. I, p. 323]) means * to call to mind.' This shews that the initial pe must be
a form of the article which was in general use in the time of the later empire, and that,
therefore, the word was originally pe-$akh.**
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Urim and Thummim 221
The same word occurs in Assyrian, where luxxusn is used of
the whispering of charms and spells, mostly into the ear of the
sacrificial animal. Zimmem suggests that the Hebrew in this
restricted meaning was borrowed from the Assyrio-Babylonian.'*
I would suggest that IDHb and laxasu are of common descent
from an early time, when the members of the North Semitic
family of languages were more closely united than they were at a
later period.
Common to Hebrew and Assyrio-Baby Ionian is the word "^Ob,
"an (idol-) priest" = *™®^ka-mi-rum of the Tel-Amarna letters :
" wise man, sage," etc. ; it occurs also in cognate languages, for
which see Baudissin, Geschichie, pp. 223, 239, 241, 270 ; Brown-
Gesenius, p. 485 ; Concise Dictionary, p. 398, col. 2, where pas-
sages and further literature are given. — There is also the Hebrew
■jnb and Arabic ^jJoLT^ "a seer ;" "both must have been originally
identical (both alike being guardians of an oracle at a sanctuary) ;
only in later times their function diverged. The ^jJoL^ gradually
lost his connection with the sanctuary, and sank to be a mere
diviner; the "inS rose and acquired fuller sacrificial functions.""
76 In his excellent reriew of Bruno Meissner, 3upplemeni xu den (usyrischen W6rter-
bUchem in the Gdtting. Oelehrte Anzeigen^ 1898, p. 819: '* iDnb II h labb^fin techniBcher
Ausdruok vom Mnrmeln der Zanberformeln, vie hebr. tDJlh (in dieser speciellen Bedentong
vieUeicht erst aos dem Assyrischen entlehnt?).'* A slight knowledge of Assyrian would
have helped T. Witton Daviids, Magic^ etc., considerably in the treatment of the verb XDTj^ •
I quote here a sentence or two from pp. 50, 51 : **The verb IDIj^ i^ic!} (lakhash), found in
Aramaic and in Rabbinical Hebrew with the sense of * to hiss, as a serpent,' is in my opinion
■a denominatlTe from t?nb (lakhash), which is merely a dialectical variety of t?n}
[«ic/] (nakhash), a serpent, b and 7 are both liquids, and both tend to fall out, as the nun
in ]'S verbs, and the b in DDb The form with b is kept in the O. T. mainly for the
department of magic ; t?n3 is used almost wholly in connection with divination. Not at
all unlikely, the change came about through a desire, more instinctive than conscious, to
use different words for different things/' A beginner in Hebrew knows that serpent is
tSnj ; not XDTl^ « which is a) charm, spell, b) omen. The great discovery printed on pp.
^ 50-52 of Da vies' book was made long ago by Lagarde, Vberticht^ p. 188, rm. : '* iDH^ wohl
Aus t?nj entstanden. Sonst vergleiche des Grafen W. W. Baudissin, Studien zur Bemiti-
4chen Religionsgeachichte^ Vol. I, p. 288." See also Geseniusis. The Assyrio-Babylonian, of
course, shows that for once Lagarde was wrong. Davies throughout his book spoils
Baudissen, Slgfriod (instead of Siegfried), etc. The whole ** Literature," pp. xi-xvi, should
have been revised by one of the Leipzig men under whom he took his doi^ree of doctor of
philosophy. Davies (in 1887-8) is utterly unaware of such books as Baudissin's OeschicMe
des altteatamentlichen Pritsterthums (1889) ; Baethgen's BeitrOge zur semitischen Religionz-
wizsenzchaft (1888) ; P. D. Chantepie de la Saussaye, Lehrbuch der ReligionzgeachUhte (even
the second edition appeared before this dissertation was printed) ; Preiss, ReligionzgeschicMe
(1888) ; Reich, Die Entwickelung der ReligioeitOt und daz Werk der Religion, etc. (1896), and
other important books, to say nothing of the many articles and valuable reviews in
X>eriodical8 and serials, that should have been constantly referred to in a dissertation on
such an important and extremely difficult subject.
77 Brown-Gesenius, pp. 462 zq. (where some literature is given) ; also Stade, Oezchichte^
Vol. I, p. 471 ; W. Robertson Smith, The Old TeatamerU in the Jewizh Church, 2d ed. (1895),
p. 292, and The Religion of the Semitez (1889), pazsim. On the use of the word TTO in ^^^
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222 Hebbaiga
Hommel in his book, The Ancient Hebrew Traditiofi, p. 17, foot-
note 1, says : "There are, no doubt, a number of direct loan-words
[from Babylonian] among these [words in the ritual language of
the Old Testament], e. g.y Hebr. kohen, 'priest,' Babyl. musJi*
ktnu (from mushkahlnu) y* 'votive,' 'offering homage to the
Deity;' or terUmah, 'heave-offering,' Babyl. tarimtu, 'offering-
cup;' or Hebr. torah, 'law, commandment,' Babyl. urtu and
t&rtu:' Zimmem, Theolog. Rundschau, Vol. I, p. 323 (May, 1898),
however, wrote: "Sprachlich sehr anfechtbar sind die Behaupt-
ungen [Hommel's], S. 17, dass hebr. kohen, terHmahy torah alte
babylonische LehnwOrter seien." In his Ritualtafeln, p. 91, how-
ever, Zimmem states that rpiFl is probably "eine alte Entlehnung
aus babylonisch-assyrischem t^tu,*' Professor Haupt, to my
knowledge, has been of this opinion for at least fifteen years^
Tertu in Assyrio-Baby Ionian is the technical term for the
"divine omen," whence the oracle proceeds. -Its original mean-
ing was "mission, order, command," which, then, narrowed down
to the more specific signification of "divine revelation, omen.'"*
Who knows whether, in the future, it may not be possible, in
the light of more extended research, to show a connection between
the "'lb, the Levite, of the Old Testament and the Assyrio-
Babylonian li'u, le'u, "wise, prudent" (used as noun and as
adjective)?" Hommel, The Ancient Hebrew Tradition (New
York, 1897), p. 276, identifies the word with the lavi*u' {tern,
lavi'at) occurring in the MinsBan inscriptions found in Mutsrftn
(also cf. ibid.j pp. 282 sqq., and Neus kirchl. Zeitschr., Vol. I
(1890), p. 68, rm.).
Old Testament see Lewis B. Paton in the Journal of Biblical Literature, 1888, pp. 1-14 ; and
compare Baadissin, Cfeschichte, pp. 191 iq„ 209 iq, ; *' Der Amtsname "jnS > &uoh in den phO-
nicischen Insohriften vorkommend (daneben das Femininum n2nb)« scheint den West-^
semiten von Hans aus gemeinsam sn sein, wenn nicht etwa die Hebifter ihn von den
Kanaanitem herftbernahmen '* (p. 270).
7>Also Hommel in Hastin^rs, Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. I, p. 217. On mnfikenn
( v/1KD) see Jensen, ZA., Vol. IV, p. 271 ; Zimmem, ibid.. Vol. VU, p. 853 (|/"pD) ; DeUtssch,
Prolegomena, p. 186, rm. 3. It appears as a synonym of xubbulu, *' pauper, wretch;'*
K. 3312, col. ill, 21; Tel-Amama (Lfondon) 1, 37 weread marat ifiten mu-u8-ki-nu =
"daughter of a miserable (poor) fellow.'* The abstract noun also occurs. Besoid, CatcUoguet
p. 1566, quotes mufi-ki-nu-tu illak, he will become a beggar. (Meissner, Supplement
Mu den ateyrischen WdrterbUchem, p. 44, col. i.)
79 On the etymology of tertu see Zimmem, Ritualt<nfeln, p. 88, rm. 7.
w I wish to state here that I am quite aware of the literature on this most perpleziiig
subject. Everything of importance prior to 1888 is carefully registered by Bandissin in his
monumental work. Die Oeechichte dee altteatamentlichen Prieeterthum^ (1889), according to
whom, p. 265, l^b means: ** Anschluss, Anhang, Oefolgschaft.'* C^eniusis and Brown-
Oesenius, tub verbo, together with the excellent Theologieche Jahretbericht, give aU the
literature since 1888.
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Ubim and Thummim 223
The D'^aiS'^Jl of the Old Testament, Hommel, The Expository
Times, February, 1900, p. 284, believes to be a loan-word bor-
rowed from the Babylonian <*™*i) qardamu, a class of priests."
Zimmem, Ritualtafeltif pp. 90, 91, states that H'^^SI , which
in Hebrew has no satisfactory etymology ,** is, in all probability, a
very old loan-word from the Babylonian in its original meaning
of "oracle" [Orakelspruch). From this original meaning there
were developed, on Hebrew soil, all the other significations of
H'HSl, registered in the modem dictionaries. If Zimmem is
correct, the derivation of H'^'^SI from fPIl "bind" (Gesenius-
Brown, etc.), or tlT^^ "cut, hew," is to be given up, and the
Hebrew must be connected with the Assyrio-Baby Ionian barutu,
the abstract noun of baru." "Mit dem Namen wird dann aber
auch wohl die Sache des althebrftischen Orakelwesens in ihren
letzten Wurzeln auf Babylonien zurflckgehen" (Zimmem).**
Giesebrecht's excellent remarks on ^"nil in his treatise. Die
Oeschichtlichkeit des SinaibundeSy have not convinced me that
Zimmem *s view is wrong. Siegfried-Stade, Wdrterbuch, be it
said here, years ago (1893) gave "Orakelertheilung" as the
meaning of T\'^'0 .
Old Testament exegetes should notice especially Zimmem 's
remark {loc. cit., p. 85, rm. 8): "SoUte am Ende in D^ID "''^sn
bezw. T^Sn Jes. 47, 13, dessen Emendierung in ■'lun doch nicht
recht befriedigt, irgendwie der babylonische Berufsname baru
stecken?" The whole chapter is a "Song of Derision upon
Babylon." Vss. 12, 13 read : " Pray, persist in thy spells" and
in thy many enchantments [about which thou didst trouble thyself
from thy youth], perchance thou canst help somewhat, perchance
thou wilt strike terror. Self- wearied art thou with counsels, pray,
let them stand forth; yea, let them deliver thee [I mean], the
SI Hommel refers to IV R. (2d ed.), pi. 12, 17. 6, where he reads a-fiab-ba-rn qar
[instead of am]-da*mi. The ideogram GIL-OIL (BrOnnow, 1397, sic!) is found in K.
2061, i, 16, as eqaivalent of qar-da-mu (see Strassmaier, A F., No. 7349) . Other etjrmolofries
are mentioned in Geseniusi^ and Brown-C^esenius, «. v. DISnn • The lucubrations of T. W.
Davies, pp. 41-3 of his dissertation, can hardly be taken seriously.
^ iH3 1 1 Sam. 17 : 8, probably a mistake for ^HHJ (Zimmem ; after Weir and Driver) ;
also e/.l kings 18:25.
MFrom the verb bar&, **see, look, examine, inspect;*' thus UmSl) barO, properly
** the examiner of omens,'* and bi r u , " the examining of omens " (Omen-Beachau),
M It will suf&ce, in this connection, to call to mind the views adopted by cdmost aU
students of the Old Testament concerning the ark (Cheyne-Black, Encyclopcedia Biblica,
Vol. I, cols. 396-99), the Cherubim and Seraphim, and other words of the ritual language,
adopted by the Hebrews from other nations.
M Tp^nS ; cf, Assyr. ub bu r u , *' to charm, cast a spell over someone (or something)."
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224- Hebraiga
Beers of heaven, the gazers on stars, who define every new moon ;
whence (troubles) are coming upon thee." It is evident that the
Qere tTDW '''^Ilh is a Massoretic makeshift to explain the Kethtby
which originally must have been an expression parallel to D'^im
D'^HSISa (LXX: oi op&vre; rois currdpa^). On the basis of the
Greek, oi currpoXdyoc rod ovpavov^ we would reconstruct as the
original reading of the Hebrew : D^^^S ff*"^!;!!! ." Some scribe,"^
reading DTQ"J3:iHnn , wrote by mistake T instead of S. Later copy-
ists who knew not what to do with the 1 added it to the preceding
•1351 , and when the Massoretes began their work, they faithfully
preserved the ^ ; but as they could not explain it, they substituted
the Q6re, and hence our present reading. The last part of vs. 13,
"who define every new moon; whence (troubles?) are coming
upon thee," is also full of difficulties, in view of the LXX reading
itpayyetXaTaxTap aoi ri fi^Wei iirl ai ip^eaOai,. It is evident that
the translator had before him a text differing from our Massoretic
text, for he could scarcely have mistranslated the easy D3ni^
D'^ipinb , as he has done apparently. If the LXX text is correct
— and so it seems to me — we must omit D'^lCinb as a gloss.
This done, all difficulties in the way of understcmding this
obscure sentence are removed, and we read: "the star-gazers
(astronomers) who show [thee] whence something will happen
unto thee.""
P. S. — After this whole article was in type and almost ready for the
press, I received the Johns Hopkins University Circulars^ No. 145, in
which Professor Haupt discusses "The Origin of the Mosaic Ceremonial,**
and T. C. Foote, "The Biblical Ephod."— Professor Moore writes to me
(June 18) : "I forgot to note that m 2 Sam. 20 : 18 Haupt regards MSXSTi
as denominative from D'^BD • (See Jastrow, Journal of Biblical Lit-
erature, 1900.)"
MThe Kithlb shows as the way to this reconstniotion, if we remember (a) that, as
Lagarde and others have shown, the original manuscripts had neither vowel points* nor
matret lectionis, nor the final m of the plural ; (6) that no space was left between the several
words of a sentence ; and (c) that some letters of the alphabet are very easily confoonded,
as we can gather from thoir similarity on ancient Hebrew gems, money, and the few inscrip-
tions preserved ; or, again, (d) that letters sounded so much alike as to be easily interchanged.
87 At a period later than the translation of the Septuagint. That this has been done
constantly, even before the book was translated into Greek, has been shown succinctly and
conclusively by the Roman Catholic Professor Anton Scholz in his ** Rectoratsrede '* on Die
Alexandriniache UeberAetzung de» Buches Jeaauu (Wttrsbni^, 1888).
M I have examined every commentary within roach, but found none suggesting the way
out of the difficulties besetting this verse. Delitzsch, Dillmann, Cheyne, etc, persist in
rendering ** the divider » of heaven." So also Marti (on p. 320 of D<u Buck Jetaia erkl&ri
["Kurzer Hand-Commontar zura Alten Testament,'* Lieferung 10], TQbingen, 1900). who
takes not the slightest notice of Zimmem's suggestion made months before his commentary
appeared.
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AN ARABIC VERSION OF THE EPISTLE OF DIONY-
SIUS THE AREOPAGITE TO TIMOTHY.
Bt Rev. W. Soott Watson, A.M.,
Wett New York, N. J.
The writing that purports to be a letter addressed by Diony-
sius the Areopagite to the Timothy of the New Testament on the
occasion of the martyrdom of the apostles Peter and Paul in Rome,
is not included among the epistles usually associated with Uepl
T7}s oxfpavla^ Upapx^^ and the other works that bear the name of
the same person as author, and its history must be investigated
independently of theirs. Composed originally in Greek, it no
longer exists in that language, unless it lies hidden in some
unpublished manuscript,' but it is known through ancient ver-
sions, an extcmt copy of one being as old as the seventh century.
A Latin translation has been printed several times, appearing
appended to the 1478 edition of Nicolaus de Gorran's Postilla
super Epistolas Pauli as the earliest dated, if not absolutely the
first, Dionysian production of the press. Armenian and Syriac
texts were published by Martin in Pitra's Analecta Sacra (Tom.
IV, Paris, 1883), and an English rendering of an Ethiopic one
was given by Malan in connection with his version of Abdias'
The Conflicts of the Holy Apostles (London, 1871).
To the material for the critical study of this epistle I now
add a hitherto unprinted Arabic translation that appears not
only to have been made directly from the lost original, although
already interpolated, Greek text, but also to show that an Arabic
form lies back of three, if not of all, of the other versions.' It is
from a manuscript obtained by me in Syria that, though without
a date, is probably of the seventeenth century.' The document
1 The reported existence of Greek maimscripts of this epistle in Vienna and Florence is
probably incorrect.
3 1 will not now go into details, but expect at some fntnre time to prepare a paper on
this subject. I will say, however, that I think that in its original form this epistle was very
different from what it is at present, containing, for example, no mention of Peter or of an
apparition of Paul.
> The manuscript consists of twelre leaves of paper 7H X 5 inches in siie. Pp. 2-22 are
occupied by the present text, the other three pages being blank except that p. 28 betfrs the
225
v/
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226 Hebbaiga
is reproduced with literal exactness; it seemed unnecessary to
call special attention to all the scribal inaccuracies, but some
emendations are suggested in the footnotes.
ABABIC TEXT.
^"^ UbjJI &A^.% &A^<X»^ CrV> LTT^
LLtill ^lil^ Juuji ^U^l ^1 juM» v^' ''piq
^LfrJkJ ^«J^[6t] (<)^ ^ **Thd wriiiiie remains a looff time and the writer it
buried nnder the earth ; O reader, remember me in thy prayer.'* (The letters indoeed in
brackets and the three similarly treated in the main text have been lost throuffh injury to
the manuscript.) All the writing, iDdudin^ the few corrections, is from one hand.
« The title is in red ink. Many red dots are scattered through the text, as though to
punctuate it, but I have omitted them because of the arbitrary way in which they were placed.
* J%AM% or some other word referring to Paul should be found between Ju^^JLia and
• Bead ^| Jwt <>'« ^^Uowing the analogy of the MS. elsewhere, -glcXg,*! .
7 The sense requires that thia word and those from the same root found elsewhere in the
text be read as from '_ff ^'^ **to incline [from right to wrong]** and not from '_^^r-
**to incline [from wrong to right].**
• Bead ^\ji\ .
* A I after this word; the scribe began to write the following v«^ot i but eonohided
the space was too limited. * ^
10 Boman numerals indicate the pages of the MS.
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Epistle of Diontsids to Timothy 227
,, g A tl glAll ^^ytJI ^Ja«JI ^^^UJI ^:,L-j5H, ,^^^1 JXJI
Ui>j^l ^iX-&^ v^yLdJU <>fyi <u^yu*JI 8«^^j i^H^^I ^yu^t
^LJI g^^Ai^iyi v»^lj v:>A»tp< Ud^^f Juel^^l |iHui^ UUJI
jjUlJ-aJI |w^ ^jJI |»-«^l ^^»..t.(i»H v-^*^'? uAy^H pv]
Ua^I il oU^I yaJUaJI w*^' r*^» /r^' tt)J^' c^J^^»
iXJi jj«jUy»A5 ^ja.1 L l34;i CaXj «i,^ tXS y^H jj«^ Ji y;-*
^IjkJf JJLj' ^^1 J^\ <iLAj| s.,^ lo ^yM^\ viJLutM, «k£3t
^iUbw ^^1 ^^ ^J\ LqjI [V] dJI Jy*jl Lo ^jj^ L ^^luJJJJI
Jyjl Li_a. jJlaUJI OuuJI 0JI5' yyJUJ' ^^1 ^j^ill ijoJyi ^^yi\
iiRoad Jl^a . >< The attached pronoun changed from ^ to |^.
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228 Hebbaioa
jvij j^-e U^y ^^ U^^ (/*J^^ 5^*^ ty^ is'^y ^^
yc^U JujLj. U " J5« Jjf [VI] ^ydCJI Luj5« ^^ dU ,»».yL>
••sJlJLSS ^, «>y^9 ;^ <^l "^1 J^;^ ^^ SsieyAkJS "aJbL'^ baj(
c^-AM-^ /^l o^^ v;;^^ "^1 V * ^^3 ^) ^^ Julju& ^ &3L
L^ [VII] ^y*^S \yLj<i\ &jLjX3l LjjI v:yy;4.]W ^l;*> jlUx^ if ^^
IS There are considerable differences between the quotations in this document and the
passages as they appear in the Bible.
H Between <m^I and \j\ ooonrs a dittograph of the six words LaJu v^JLa^L^^
^^^yii, '<^ \^y^ lJ^>* the last three of which were canceled by the scribe himself.
'^ aJljLwM) snperimpoeed upon XJCloU^ ; cf. the fourth word preceding.
10 Final \^ changed from J .
^^A changed from a*
IS The article at first followed by ^ ; c/. the preceding word.
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i
Epistle of Diontsius to Timothy 229
vi^ujL^ «iyju ,^431 ^f [vni] 4>^b JU Lo 1^ ^^1 \djt ^
[joiyj ^^ ^1 v>^iii jSrj^^ ^;!t^' r>^3 '"^' ;j^ ^<J^^H^
Jb ^ ^^1 va^Uv^ 4>^^l px] ^ t >t> ^ oJLo |v^ UJLU
Jlj ^1 JulJuUl Jl^ y-^^k^l, w^l JoUJI ^JuJl i^wJ^I
vJLia-i ^1 J , C -ll &JC^ ^j w;jjf ^LJUI^ vJit?Ul |WU|
iXxjtJ ^^JUioJli ^^b^ ^1 U aJ^I x^^l ^;»ijJI^ AA^^UII
19 a3 soperimpoeed upon « ; c/. the preoedioff syllable of the word.
20 Bead
you.
''ca^>I%jumI Jui in the ri^ht margin.
99 A ^ between the ^ and the J canceled.
2S Part of this word has been lost through injnry to the MS., bat it was certainly as here
given and not a dual form.
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290 HUBBAIOA
,^t Lj> pj.JbJ\ ^Lo:^ «)^-iJt it .UUI U^i^ |>t^^t
^ «X«J kfia*wj V*^^ •>M4-I <^^ IJJ»L& <SfjS' y} ^J»yl5y^
-^U- vM' v:j-» vr*^ u>^Mi> W»j^> 4 u»«-^ l?**^
y^j •l^ ^^ J^ L»iXaJ ,X*^ \J-f^i \J*^})^ \Ji>''^
UL«j» j5.-«i-*t yj^^^ ooiyi) ,j-^ *-«^t ^^ ^**»i ^ -J^
va»,.riuJ ^j^AMOtXJSJt \stSXkti \at'^y4MJ\ ic«.JL^^ fcwiuUjOt nISum L^
M Sead as two words. » The ^ at first e^ .
WAt first ^juoJa ; when the scribe inserted the a« he neglected to remoTe the
second a*
^ I (t) erased from before y^jj3 .
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Epistle of Dionybiub to Timothy 231
«dJLj 4>l (} /» yjJt OuJLjt6 K-Cj^l^Jt y>jA>*<iJ(>. O .H ^Jj& \s^y^
ISJLm (j«4a^ /JiOAJ 4>l |Jlji)l |»4>lail y^ ^ &*^C I H &f»^icv>Att
^2^1 |ij y«^b^ ^) l^ bl b^ ^4^ CjCu w.aJLaJ( iM
>iLXJ ^ ^( Lj (^ ^y*^ up^<^ S^-^^ VU^mJI vS^ KmL
lUvJJUJI «X^A» J^>^ CwK) U«J( lII (Cfeb JLjS^j ^^ vuLJfl
fg^ ^ Jh(| UUmkH ok«2 iu*k JU( tMiut -aAj ^^yCwOj Ufr L ^
vsMMiA ^^ it c^iii] ^ffi>^ i^\j 4 v;>^ <^t ^J^^ ^^v^
.iU* gv^l Jy>( \iL)y JtXJt |JU« U 4I jwM^ ^i\ ^g^\ UU^
fl^JU Ua^ yjA ^\ dLJf XJL-y »y;-e f,^ Jk-JU 5I 1^1^ ^1
^j* 1^4** ^1 ^1 Ua^ U Jits ^J^ 4iji:i i*^ tXJtf ^ y\
Ji dULjo oJL^t ^;f*XJu^ Juu tUMj. ^^ J^^l oJLi |»«JLAs^I
^oL^interlineated. ^i^Wi interlineated. MBead K^yJ* si A % before U canoeledL
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232 Hbbbaioa
U i ^^1 ^1 L^ [XIV] 4 d^yi\ Jyrt J iJuOft liX^jt bl^
J^ ^yJ^S S^j u^Loft l^ d^yl U luydit »Jj^ ^P^ (5*^^
"Ip^ Ij^^A^ ^ U£a3^ U& »IJ JmuJ «^yi IjJt^ tyft iJ
gfli^ yj^ yjx^y6Mi\ yjxi yj$\ iXJU iLa^ ,j^ UU^ ^4X^00^
lyiju LdjI Jys^ ^^ AA^j^^ Jl ^^1 (XJUo g^Lj U .yjjOl U
Lo [XV] ^juJuJt^ ^^y^H x-JL^ ft^^ u*^^** (5"*^^^ ^ff^*^
,jij (X^ p^^)?' '^^^ v::UjC» »Ja»^ A*.« J t oJUi dUL) ^^^
JlJU y«.^lij4J^ ^^-^1 L^ ligyiy? ^^JJJ Juju luyo;;;) vs/kxLo
^wJa^ ^jjJ^Jl l^y x-A-^ v5^' r^' 4 ' ** ^^ ^>^ ^^^1;
'^ lyft after xJ , bat canooled by the scribe ; cf» the preceding context.
n The ^ at first of the final form.
MBead \tf^ -
t5 Omit the first ^ , the scribe haying written that letter prematorely and neglected
to erase it.
M There is a blank space soffloient for the word ^| to the right of (j^yJ •
•7 Changed from ^^^f .
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\
Epistlb of Dionysius to Timothy 238
^j^ v:>amu^ [XVI] ^^1 ju ^U UiftjL^I iXo jLft.1^ v^b vi
l4JUe 4X^1 (,V^.»V<r,w*> y^ UJ ft^^ LstjLi^ 4XJ» jM^Judl gto)^
^ vsJU Ja4*l (>L^ UJ^ iboUftit JJU^ ^^) ^ v-AamJI o^
U-jftUft ^ [xviri fp-j--^ ^iH t>flJ|^5 u-^ ^^ *jUJf dJU
lUju^l »Ju& Jl^I ^^^ '9)^9 ^W ly^l |%4^ iJ*^;A**^j ^1
'^ \£JUL( after ^^yj\ « bat canceled by the scribe ; c/. the preceding context.
w Both the Syriac and the Armenian Tersions have here a similar word, bat the editor
of those texts says, ** Quid signifloet vox ilia armenum plane nesoimns." Old Latin readings
are " in valle pngili ** and ** in valle pngilom/* An account of this kerchief incident is also
given in Ilp^cic tmf kywv awoar6kt$v Uirpvv xol Ilai^Aov, and there Paul is said to have been
executed in a place called 'Axovat ZaA^ia«— the words are varionsly spelled in the USS.—i, e..
Aquae Salyiae or Abbadia della Tre Fontane. The mention of waters in this parallel passage
and elsewhere in connection with Faults death suggests that the ij^^Lo J of the present
MS.— and of the Arabic text that lies back of the Syriac and Armenian yersions—is a cor-
ruption of ij%A& U^V **^And of springs/' a term similar to iO%A& ^ T^ ** meadow
of springs," the designation of a district in Syria. (Cf. note 49 for an instance of the use
of t in the place of a p . The Arabic name of Armenia is different from the word in
the text). ^
40 Bead \yXst^ .
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284 Hbbbaioa
^^ UfA« ^A«Jtt |J ^^y Aids' \JJUUI jj U^f»y l»(t>i«'* ^
^^ LJUiil jj> ^)l^ g«J, n ^ ■ ■■ < <> ^^p& y^ ^««JI) txym]
^ sSuUt Uilj U.^ ^ <aJ<^ ^ ^..JLi L»U y^yyiS ^
^^_A^ .LJLi K-^t **^;^ tX^I ^yitki Uj ;yH)^( y'-<^> J1
^^ sjyu) ^^a«^. ^ U^^ xj^ iX*U« L^Ji^ ^jU ^yM
dULs ^ U4ili u<>J^^ u^u J^r^ ^^ r^^* '^r* ^^^
o^ ^ «5-^ MM '*^U «auU« Ufo^Ai^ likyAjl tLi4
^'Oy [XtX] ^J.y*^^ X> sLt |>^-^tj jM^LJ ^ kJU i^fUJI
Lui.1^ dy^ JjUj .>^( &)U&. ^ ^^ w^l^ ^,ir ^<)Jt
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^^.^1 L^ XAAJii-U vsjU^^I i^^juiiieLJI ^^^1 (joJu ^^1 tjoiy*
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Epistlb of Dionysius to Timothy 235
^jJt ^,aai(, ^^jJI [XX] ^LJLM dlijJ UM^ luu* ijucu v.>AJiJt
1i>U <tUjLi^ S4»yc* Lui£ L5^ UljJ Uj^ ^tr*^ J1 vJ^^iajls
|J u' "afW^i 4 <jtioUH ^:^i ijjyi ^ IOJC0 ^ ^^ j^
J.-*^ C^ lr3^r^ v*^' '^ /i-^AxJf Jl^ |*Xil vyjkU txxi]
L» kjt ^1 y^ jJ.t vjyb Lt syi^ kJU« ^ Ul^ (}uv«JL»
fJ ^J^^^i o^y^^ <^^ *-' u^^ '^y '•'^ ^)^ r' y^^
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286 Hbbbaioa
1% i g ■ > L^t oJI^ aJLm ^ I4JLI P ^t auit y JL t Jj»l Ijc^
C>^' Q*>J 0!*» V5^< LT^XaJ' ^yi^ i\A^yi\
TBANSLATION.
This is an Epistle that Dionysius the Qreat sent unto Timothy
the Apostle, the Disciple of Paul the Apostle, on Account
of the Martyrdom of the Holy Apostles Peter and
Paul in the City of Bome the Grandest.
To the godly disciple and spiritual son, even the disciple [of the
apostle''] of God and his heir and the fulfillerof his wiU and the endurer
of his adversities, even the one rising above all praises and the imitator
of the true master'' and spiritual father, Timothy, from Dionysius.
Now I rejoice that that one clothed with Gk)d, he who was crucified
for Christ and suffered with him, the many-tongued,'* the enlightener of
the churches and darkener of heathendom, the axe by which were shat-
tered [ni] the gates of sin, the diamond removing far off and crushing
sins, the magnet demolishing worldly things and dispersing demons, the
destroyer of their feasts, the terrestrial angel and celestial man, the
powerful, the strong, the courageous, the sagacious, the divine image
and Christly picture, the friend of the Gentiles'^ and enemy of Judaism^
the diminisher of the synagogues'' and magnifier of the church, the
spiritually concerned and shield of justice, the servant of Christ and
preacher of the gospel, he who pierced through heathendom and rejoiced
the chiutsh, the godly mouth and spiritual tongue, the gatherer and taker
M^l interlineated.
<^i Cf. note 4. The emendatfont misgested in the notes to the Arabic text hare been
followed in the translation.
ft3 Or teacher^ and so throoghont this translation.
u Lit., the father of Umguee, M Or people$^ and so elsewhere. » Lit., the iutembUee,
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Epistlb op Dionysius to Timothy 237
out of those plunging [into sin], the father of orphans and support of
widows, the raiser up of the falling and confirmer of the standing, the
healer [IV] of the sick and binder up of the wounded, he who united
countries, the pacifier of cities, the wise sailor, the putter together, the
saver, the one desirous of the things which are above and overcoming
those which are lower — this one now hath left us behind in hard toils
and departed unto Christ.
O my brother Timothy, where is thy spiritual father? where thy
master, O disciple loving his master ? Whence wilt thou now bring me
greetings — from the land or from the sea, from Galatia or from Spain,
from Asia or from Corinth t Now thou hast become an orphan alone.
O my brother Timothy, thy swift course is ended. He will not write to
thee now — where are those holy hands? — "O my child;" he doth not
send to thee [V] also to come to thy master in some city. O my brother
Timothy, where hast thou heard that thy spiritual father Paul hath now
arrived ? Today is fulfilled the word of the Lord, saying, " Verily, I say
to you that ye will desire to behold one hour of your master and will not
see it." O my brother Timothy, there hath overtaken us the day of grief
and mourning, the day of darkness and blackness, and who will not cry
out with the prophet, saying, "O that my head were waters and mine
eyes a foimtain of tears, then would I sit weeping night and day for the
orphanhood of the church ! "
O Timothy, gather together now all thy volumes, for who is it that
will be foimd interpreting to thee the hidden speech of the prophets ?
[VI] Say now, "I am like Amos the prophet, I am a feeder of goats."
And thou wilt also need neither to serve him in his bonds nor to study
his blessed epistles; he will not send to thee that he is naked and
scourged, nor wilt thou be disturbed through his being in great adver-
sities, nor will he write to thee, "From Paul, the prisoner of Jesus
Christ." Not at all will he need thee, nor will it be preached by thee
from him in the cities, "Kiss ye my son and my beloved."
O my brother Timothy, take with thee Jeremiah the prophet which
saith, "My heart is broken from grief, and what will allay it?" Who
will not put on grief and mourning and whom will not the circuit of
death encompass ? "O ye priests, clothe you with sackcloth, [VII] and
ye ministers of the altars, weep and mourn." "In Ramah is heard a
voice, not of mourning only, but even of death." For two bitter strokes
have come in one day and two griefs in one hour and two rending reports
in one time, even grief and sorrow and mourning greater than all mourn-
ing. Now is fulfilled the word of Jacob, "Joseph have I lost and Ben-
jamin do I not see ;" and now Paul, the light of the church and glory of
Christianity, is not present, and Peter, the foundation of the church and
hope of believers, is not found. Fulfilled is the word of the prophet,
saying, "Holy stones are cast away, rolled down in this day." Accom-
plished is what David [VIH] the prophet said, "They gave bountifully
the dead bodies of thy servants to the birds of the heaven and the flesh
of thy righteous ones to the beasts of the earth."
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238 Hebbaioa
Where is Paul's course now ? Those holy feet have rested from the
toil of the way. His feet fall not in stocks and prisons — he is not pin-
ioned or fettered — nor doth he travel unto strange countries'* or enter
cities and islands ; his hands are not stretched out in the ropes of masts,
nor doth he ride in ships. What country did he not enter and what city
did he not pass through I How much did toil distress him I Where are
those holy hands ? How many godly epistles did he write ! With how
many chains were they manacled ! How many bands did he receive from
the people [IX] of the Jews I Where is that holy body that received
the stroke and endured the adversities t Where is that eloquent mouth
and practiced tongue — where the wisdom of the wise, the speech of
philosophers, and the soul clothed with Gkxl ? O my brother Timothy,
let us make a feast for the observer of the feasts and let us bestow on
that one the offering presented as an offering; remember thou that
rememberer of the saints.
Who is it that will not mourn over those deserving of honor, for they
were delivered unto death as evil-doers ? O my brother Timothy, if thou
hadst been a witness of that wonderful combat and hadst heard it, per-
haps from the excesses of thy grief [X] thou wouldst have passed away ;
for thy grief was not great, as thou wert not present at the time of their
going forth to receive the judgment. Who did not mourn in that painful
and sorrowful hour, when their hands were manacled with chains like
murderers and the crowds [were] assembled to see that wonder and the
venerable old age reviled by the heathen and the Jews t Who lb it that
did not weep in that hour, when they were spitting in the faces of the
two Bjid both received beating from every side silent as gentle lambs ?
They greet each other with weeping and grief and separate in anguish
and sorrow ; they behold each other and are separated ; and they are
delivered [XI] unto death, O brethren and my members and my sons
and one love — the one of them was delivered unto crucifying and the
other unto slaying. What heart did not mourn, as it heard the truthful'^
Peter and Paul saying, ^^ Depart submitting [to the will of God], O mag-
nifier of the church!" The heavens were astonished at the separating
of the saints ; the earth was terrified when it received the innocent blood
of the souls of the righteous ones ; the air was pained on account of the
death of these saints ; the angels were astonished at the combat of that
venerable old age ; even the ignorant, when they beheld Peter hanging
on the cross with his head downward, were distressed with grief I ^
(I, O my brother Timothy, was not near him when he received the judg-
ment, for I went [XII] with Paul, for they were not martyred together
in one place.)
Alas for me, my brother Timothy, there was not a bitterer than
that hour in which the swordsman conmianded Paul to bow his head
M Lit., the countries of the gtrangen.
M Lit.» the fathert qf truth.
uLit., who ie the one lacking knowledge F— when he beheld , , , , , he knu dUhrteted
wUh grief f
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Bpistlb op Dionysius to Timothy 239
under the sword, while 1^ eyes overflowed with tears I Woe was me, O
my brother, in that hour in which I saw him looking unto heaven and
marking a cross on his holy forehead — and calmly without violence he
bent his head under the sword. Woe was me, O my brother, from that
hour in which I saw him dyed in his blood I Woe is me, O my spiritual
brother, that thou art become worthy of such a death as this I Alas for
me, O my spiritual father, how is it that thou art become to me one
leaving me alone ?
[XUI] Whither hast thou departed t Where shall I seek thee, O
glory of Christianity and master of the nations ? Who hath silenced thy
melody that magnified the church t Who is it that hath made dumb thy
harp that sounded the things of God t How shall I go unto thy dis«
diples, O master of justice, and what shall I say to them about thee^*
that thou art imprisoned or bound t Which of them shall I send unto
thee ? Which of them dost thou need or which of them dost thou want t
-*for from now thou wilt not need one of them I From Jerusalem thou
didst receive the manacles, and in Rome, after two years, they were
loosed from thee. For David in his mourning thus was saying : " Woe
to me, O my son ; alas for me, O my child," and I thus am ready to say,
Woe to me, [XIV] O my -father; alas for me, O my master; for for this
wound ^ there is not found a bandage, and for this mourning there is no
consolation, and for this sickness there is no cure. For in your life you
became of one mind, and in your death your bodies were cast out like the
dead bodies of animals.
How many churches are expecting your address, and how many
priests are waiting to receive epistles from you today? Vain are the
looks of thy disciples; from Rome today thy disciples have become
orphans. Who henceforth wiU reconcile the angry t Who will elucidate
the Scriptures^ to ust We will not henceforth hasten unto Rome, nor
will we say. Come, let us gather together and go unto Paul and hear
^m him Uie Scriptures and [their] explanation. [XV] We will not need
the Scriptures of the prophets, for we will not find anyone who will explain
them to us. Unto whom hast thou committed thy disciples, O master of
truth t Blessed is Rome that she is deemed worthy in truth of this
lordly honor. Jerusalem and Rome are sisters, for that one slew Christ
and this one slew his apostles ; Jerusalem will worship him whom she
crucified asd Rome will commemorate those whom she slew I
my brother Timothy, I indeed saw a great wonder in the day in
which the apostles Peter and Paul were crowned, for when they separated
from each other, I perceived them entering together before me a certain
door, the one holding the hand of the other, [XVI] clothed in royal
{^parel with crowns placed on their heads. And not I alone was deemed
worthy of this sight, but also a certain young woman who was of the family
o| the impious Nero [and] whom Saint Paul had baptized. For when he
Tfent forth to martyrdom, he took from her the kerchief of her head and
said to her, " When I return, I will bring thee it ;" and when he bent his
M Lit., itroke, M Or book$, and so eUawhero.
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240 Hebbaioa
head under the sword, he wrapped his face in that kerchief. And when
the soldiers returned, that young woman said to them, " Where is Paul ?"
And they answered her, saying, ''He is in Armanun*' slain [and] cast
away, and as for thy kerchief, his face was wrapped in it [and it was] wet
with his blood." And that yoimg woman answered them, '' Peter and Paul
now passed by [XVirj me here clothed in royal attire with crowns placed
on their heads, and that kerchief which I gave unto Paul he hath brought
me." And when she showed them it they were astonished and worshiped
God; and many of them believed in God and became Christians on
acicount of this wonder.
And now, O my brother Timothy, they are near us in the spirit. O
my brother, he whom thou wert loving hath departed unto Christ. And
as were Saul and Jonathan [who] in their life and in their death were not
separated, so also we were not parted from them until men separated
them from us. And in this [kind of] separation there is not a cutting off
of hope, for the separation cutting off hope is only when the angels
separate some from others [XVIII] and kinsmen from those of their
family. And it is not as though we had been divided from the followers
of the apostles here ; and there is not from that a cutting off of hope.
The only separation that cutteth off hope is the going away from Gkxi
there, in which necessarily it** will not be for ever and ever. And they"
will not approach one of those that love him. As for the souls of Uie
righteous, they see each other and have memory and sight and know all
things except speech, and as for Peter and Paul, they are in that blessed
life and their souls are reposing in the abiding life which died;h not, and
no soul is able to approach these their souls. Paul the reviler of G<xl in
the law and the honorer of him without the law, [XIX] even that one
who was warring against Christ for the circumcision of the Jews [and
afterward] was fighting the Jews and the heathen in the love and affec-
tion which he had for the churches of the Gentiles, Paul the desired and
the beauty of the nations and the one stoned and imprisoned on account
of the Gentiles — ''O the depth of the riches of the knowledge of the
wisdom of God, certainly no one can fathom his judgments I" But thou,
O my brother, understandest these things, and God, the Father of every
mercy, giveth thy soul understanding.
Where is Paul ? Where is Peter ? Where are those that spoke of
divine things in truth ? O my brother Timothy, woe are the children
when their parents perish and the disciples when they lose their masters
and the sheep when they lose their shepherds, and alas for the sick
person from whom the physician is far off I Alas for that [XX] skilful
and eloquent tongue that doth not make any inquiry ; alas for the depth
which doth not comprehend! Alas, O good Paul who gathereth the
riches and storeth them in the Scriptures, if thou hadst said to us that
thou wert departing in haste imto Christ, perhaps we had been enriched
by the interpretation of thy epistles! What shall we do? Certainly
thou hast deprived us of the reading of the Scriptures. Woe is me from
•1 Vide note 39. <3 /. «., hope, as /. e., the •eparaHng an{feU.
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Bpistlb op D10NT8IU8 TO Timothy 241
this grief and breaking of heart ! O my brother Timothy, do not read
the Old [Testament], but remember the offerings which Paul commanded
us, knowing that every word performed by God is the end of a decree ;
for thus the godly Paul that spoke of divine things commanded, "If
there be no interpreter in the church, do not read the Scriptures/' And
now [XXI] the possessor of wisdom hath taken all the explanations.
O my brother Timothy, fast and pray and watch and humble thyself
that Christ may bring us unto the king with Paul our teacher. For the
disciple of Elijah sought an extraordinary thing from his master, but he
expected that he would not refuse the gift, for he followed his master
and neither grew weary nor was negligent of his master, although the
elements were agitated on his accoimt and men, frowning on him, hated
him ; and he was not separated from his master. And he had many dis-
ciples, but none of them endured besides Elisha alone. And the children
of Israel were reviling him, saying, "This is the disciple of the prophet,
this is the disciple of the breaker of the law ;" and he answered them
not. And therefore he was fitted for the gift which he sought from his
master. And thou also knowest that [XXII] Paul had many, but not
one endured with him the adversities except thee alone ; and in truth, O
my brother, thou art deserving of the gift of grace. But that rewarder
of toils will reward thee — may he recompense all the hardships and toils
which thou didst endure with Saint Paul by the prayer of all whom thou
didst serve in their bonds. Amen. And to God the Father of all be the
praise with his only Son and the quickening Spirit now and evermore.
Amen.
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M
THE STOEY OP A5IKAK AND THE BOOK OP
DANIEL.
Bt Giobob a. Babton, Ph.D.,
AMoeiate Piofntor of Bthiteal Literatim and S«mitio Lancaa^ea,
Brjrn Mawr CoUeffo, Biyn Mawr, Pa.
Within the last few years a story long known in the Arabian
Thousand and One Nights has turned out to be of unexpected
interest to the biblical student. In 1880 Georg Hoffmann
pointed out the identity of Achiacharus of Tobit 1:21 sqq.;
11:18, and 14:10, with a legendary sage, A^ikar, who figured
in a romance extant in certain Syriac MSS. as a vizier of Sen-
nacherib.^
Since that time, through the labors of Jagi6, Conybeare,
Salhani, Mrs. Lewis, and J. Rendel Harris, versions of the tale as
preserved in Slavonic, Armenian, Arabic, and Syriac have been
placed within our reach, while the acute criticisms of Meissner,*
Lidzbarski,' Dillon,* and Harris* have proved the tale to be older
than the book of Tobit, and have demonstrated that the latter is
dependent upon it. It is to Dillon and Harris that we are espe-
cially indebted for this demonstration. To the latter we are also
indebted for having, with the aid of the other editors mentioned
above, placed within our reach, in his volume on A^itar, the
various versions of the story. The same scholar has also pointed
out that if the book is older than Tobit it is also older than
Daniel, and has collected, as noted below, a number of expres-
sions common to the two works.
The substance of the tale is as follows :
A^i^ar, a vizier of Sennacherib, was possessed of wealth, wisdom,
popularity, and power, but had no son. After vainly praying for one he
was directed to adopt his nephew Nadan and to find in him the fulfil-
ment of his prayers. This he did, rearing the child tenderly and
1 Pf, Aehiaohams in Eneyc. Bib, and J. Bendel Harris' Story of Ahifear^ p. xiii.
a ZDMG., Vol. XLVUI, pp. 171-^.
s Ibid,, pp. 671-5.
* Contemporary Review, Vol. LXXTTT, pp. 862-M.
8 The Story of Ahikar, Cambridge UniTorsity Press, 1898.
242
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A^TfAR AND THE BoOK OF DaNIEL 243
instructing him in wisdom, the precepts of which are recoimted to us at
length. Nadan proved to be wilful and ungrateful. At length, when
A];^ar contemplated supplanting him by his younger brother, he forged
treasonable letters in A^t^ar's handwriting, pretended to the king that
he foimd them, and procured A^ij^ar's condemnation to death. On a
previous occasion A^i^ar had saved from the wrath of Sennacherib the
very person who was now directed to cut off his head. An appeal to this
man's gratitude persuaded him to slay a slave in Al^i^ar's stead, while
the latter was incarcerated in a dungeon under his own house, where he
was tormented by the audible evidences of abuse of his property, his
slaves, and his wife in which Nadan indulged. Meantime the king of
Egypt, hearing of AJ^^ar's death, sent to Sennacherib a series of absurd
and impossible demands, such as eastern story-tellers attribute to power-
ful sovereigns, accompanied by veiled threats of detriment to Assyria in
case his demands were not fulfilled. No one was able to tell Sennacherib
what to do, and in his extremity the king was glad to reward A^j^ar's
executioner for not putting hun to death. A^^ar was then brought
forth from his dungeon, with "the color of his face changed, his hair
matted like a wild beast, and his nails like the claws of an eagle."
When he had recuperated Ai^ar went to Egypt, by his wisdom success-
fully met or bafiSed the king of Egypt in his demands, and thus delivered
Assyria. When he returned to Assyria with enhanced reputation, Nadan
was delivered to him for punishment ; he flogged him, imprisoned him
in the very dungeon, where Al^i^ar had himself been entombed, gave
him some more instruction, and when the final punishment was ready
for him Nadan swelled up and burst asunder, thus taking himself out of
the way.
The story has been distorted in one way or another in each of
the versions of it, so that a comparison of them all is necessary
in order to bind together its different strands again. The pub-
lication of the different versions side by side in a convenient
volume by Dr. Harris happily makes this possible.
If now the story is older than Tobit (a point demonstrated by
Dillon and Harris), it is also older than Daniel, and the inquiry
as to whether the latter book may not be in some respects
dependent upon A^i^r becomes a legitimate one. Dr. Harris
has already pointed out* a number of verbal parallels between the
two. Thus in the Armenian version (p. 25), "I clad him in
byssus and purple; and a gold collar did I bind around his
neck," is very similar to "clothed with purple, and have a chain
of gold about his neck" of Dan. 5:7, 16. So the statement in the
Arabic (p. 87), "he assembled the astrologers, the learned men,
and the wizards," resembles Dan. 5:7, "The king cried aloud to
« story of Ahikarn p. ItIU.
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244 Hbbbaioa
bring in the enchanters, the Chaldeans, and the soothsayers*'
(c/. Dan. 2:2, 27). Again the Armenian, "This is a matter that
even the gods cannot settle or give answer to" (p. 44), which in
the Arabic runs, "The gods themselves cannot do things like
these ; let alone men," is exactly parallel to " There is none who
can show it before the king except the gods" (Dan. 2:11).
Lastly the description of A^il^ar with his naib grown like eagles'
talons and his hair matted like a wild beast, which, in one form
or another, runs through all the versions of the story (c/. pp. 17,
45, 73, 103), not only reminds one strongly of the description of
the hair and nails of Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. 4:30), but appears,
as Harris has shown (p. lix), in a more original form than in the
book of Daniel. He further points out that the fact that in
A^iV^^'s description of the wise men " Chaldeans " had not yet
become a technical term for a sage, as it has in Daniel, is a
further argument for the priority of AJtjiil^ar.
All these points the acute critic of A^i^ar has admirably taken ;
but one wonders why he did not go on a step farther ; for when
we come to the more fundamental parallels between plots and
methods of treatment, the story of A^i^ar becomes even more
vitally interesting to the student of Daniel than before.
The first of these points to be noted is that Daniel was a wise
man, like A]|]ii]^ary excelling all others in wisdom, and, like him,
vizier to his sovereign, whoever that sovereign might be. Grant-
ing the priority of A]|]ii^r, is there not a sign of dependence
here?
The story of AJtjiil^ar's fall from the pinnacle of power, his
unjust incarceration in a pit under his house, his deliverance,
and the imprisonment of his accuser in the same pit, is exactly
parallel to Daniel's fall from like power, his imprisonment in the
lions' den, his deliverance, and the casting of his accusers to the
lions — a story which has been worked up in one way in Dan.,
chap. 6, where Darius, the Mede, is the king, and in another way
in the apochryphal Bel and the DragoUy where Cyrus is the king.
The story of A^ikar makes it probable that we now have the
pattern on which this narrative of Daniel was constructed.
In my opinion we should add to these the story of the three
Hebrews and the fiery furnace in Dan., chap. 3, a narrative in which
we find three men at the height of power caught by a trick and
unjustly thrown into a furnace, from whence they are miraculously
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AyryAR and thb Book of Daniel 245
delivered. The parallelism is not qnite complete in this case,
since the accusers do not finally receive the fate which they have
brought upon Daniel, but it is practically completed by the
decree that whoever '^ spake anything amiss against the god of
Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego shall be cut in pieces and his
house shall be made a dunghill" (Dan. 3:29).^ I expressed,
more than two years ago, the opinion that Dan., chaps. 3 and 6,
were independent parallel traditions, rather than connected stories,
remarking "the same germ is found in both — the story of mortal
danger induced by the interdiction of Israel's religion, from which
deliverance is effected by miracle. This germ developed differ-
ently in the different traditions until, when it assumed literary
form under the impetus of the persecution of Antiochus, in one
center it was connected with Nebuchadnezzar and a fiery furnace,
with Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego for heroes; and in
another center in the hands of a different writer it was connected
with Darius the Mede and a lions' den, with Daniel as the hero."'
The story of A^ikar confirms that opinion in so far as it supplies
the common element of the two stories, giving us the model on
which they were no doubt formed. It reveals, however, a fact
which I did not then suspect — that this common element had
nothing to do with Daniel or with religion, but was employed
because it was a popular model, and because its plot readily lent
itself to the expression of the lessons of fidelity to duty and faith
in the triumph of right, which the writers desired to teach.
Whence their material came we shall consider below.
Another point in which A^il^ar possibly became a model for
the writers of Daniel is his ability to solve riddles. If not the
model for Daniel in this respect, he exhibits what was demanded
of the traditional wise man of the time ; Joseph's interpretation
of Pharaoh's dreams in Genesis, on which the narratives of Daniel
have often been thought to be modeled, prove that the tendency
to require such power from wise men was a Hebrew trait much
older than either A^i^r or Daniel. What the newly found story
really does for us in this respect is to make it clear that the
atmosphere in the time when Daniel was written was surcharged
with this conception of wisdom and its power.
7 Dr. Harris privately reminds me that in folklore tales the villain is frequently cut in
pieces, and also frequently, like Nadan, in the Al^i^r story, and Jndas, in Acts 1 : 18, he
swells up and bursts.
» Journal of Biblical LitenUure, Vol. XVII, p. 71.
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246 Hbbbaica
Viewing the subject broadly, the story of A^i^i^T comes as the
last element needed to enable ns to conjecture how the stories in
Daniel took shape :
1. There was the general situation of the persecution of
Antiochus to be met ; Israelites had great need to be encouraged
to fidelity, and obviously the best method of doing this would be
to bring before their minds the examples of those who had been
faithful under similar sufiFering at the hands of a foreign oppres-
sor. This would naturally turn the mind of a writer to the exile.
If the encouragement were to be effective, it was necessary to give
a philosophy of history which would assure the righteous of ulti-
mate triumph ; this led to the apocalyptic method.
2. Gunkel has shown us that much of the material employed
in apocalyptic writings, called out by this and similar occasions,
is drawn from Babylonian sources ;* while Terry,** Charles," and
others rightly hold that unfulfilled prophecy was also an impor-
tant source of apocalyptic. Both kinds of material found its way
into Daniel. The Babylonian was employed especially by the
writer whom I have elsewhere" called A, while the prophetic is
found throughout the book."
3. When Daniel was written apocalyptic writing had already
begun. As Charles has shown," Ethiopic Enoch, chaps. 1~86, was
already in existence. The fashion was thus set of attaching such
works to the names of worthies who had lived long ago. Enoch,
however, would not answer the purpose of the present emergency ,
for his place was too firmly fixed by the Pentateuch among the
antediluvians to permit even an apocalyptist to transfer him to
the exile or to any other period when Israel was in subjection to
a foreign monarch. Tradition had, though, passed on the name
of an old patriarch, Daniel (Ezek. 14:14), of whom, if anything
was known beyond the fact that he had a reputation for wisdom
and righteousness, it has not been transmitted to us. He was
taken, transferred to the exile, and, after apocalyptic fashion,
made the mouthpiece of the writer's faith and hopes. That this
^ScMpfuno und Ckaot^ pp. 285-S96.
W Biblical Apocalyptic$t p. 6 and poMim,
11 EschaMogy, Hebrew, Jewish, and Christian, pp. 110 «g,
13 Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. XVII, pp. t^tqq,
IS Of. ohapfl. 3, 6, and 9; also BoTan's Daniel, pp. 78 sqq,; Petort, Jcmmal <if BihUea^
Literature, Vol. XV, pp. 109 «g9.; alao the oommentariefl on ohap. 9.
i« The Book of Enoch, 1898, pp. 26 and 56.
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A^^JLB AND THB BoOK OF DaNIBL 247
is really what happened is confirmed by the apocryphal History
of Susanna,^^ in which Daniel appears simply as a judge of
nnoBual wisdom — a rOle readily suggested by his name. No
reference is made to the contents of our canonical book. The
existence of this story shows that apart from apocalyptic material
nothing was known of Daniel except what could be inferred from
the meaning of his name.
4. Just here the story of A^i^ar comes to our aid to show
whence the outline of the life of the patriarch, who to Ezekiel
was an ancient figure like Noah and Job (Ezek. 14:14), came,
when Daniel had been transferred to the exile. Here ready to
the writer's hand was the life of A^i^ar. The scene had to be
changed from the court of Sennacherib to that of Nebuchadnezzar
and his successors, since the Israel which had returned from exile
had suffered in Babylon ; but when once transferred the outline
of the A^i^ar story became the skeleton which gave form to all
the material within the reach of the writers who devoted them-
selves to this task. It was thus, probably, that the A^i^ar skeleton,
rechristened as Daniel, and given flesh, partly from the material
of the Babylonian cosmogonic epic and partly from the unfulfilled
prophecies of the past, lived again to minister comfort and to
inspire with hope those who were engaged in a life-and-death
struggle for the right to worship the God of their fathers accord-
ing to their consciences.
I may add in conclusion that this view does not modify the
views I have previously expressed of the composite character of
the book of Daniel,'" since the use of the story of A^ikar by the
author of Tobit shows that it was well known ; it no doubt formed
a part of the intellectual equipment of the intelligent Jew of the
time.
" Of. Peters in the tftiw World, March, 1900, p. 186.
i« Journal of Biblical Literature, VoL XVU, pp. 62-86.
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ETYMOLOGICAL NOTES.
Bt Pbofessob C. Letus,
Hebnw Union CoUec», Cindnnsti, O.
1. ixm.
rr t -
The word occurs only in b Ber. 56a. The Variae Lecttones
of Rabbinowicz give as variants MW "^l, Mi'^Q, and WiTO.
Rashl, explaining the word as ^'a honse where ornaments are
kept," had evidently before him the reading VOTl 'O . The same
meaning conld be got out of KSITU , which is evidently a denomi-
native of MT "arms, ornament;" while the forms W^,M*rO
might contain in their initial consonant an abbreviation of "^ .
I am rather inclined to translate all the forms as "arsenal,
armory," connecting the last two variants with VOn "arms," and
the first two with Arabic o, yo, "arms." For T = \ c/. my
Chrammarj § 31. As to the formation, we may have i/KD = y^ ,
or the yy stems pass before afformatives into *^ stems, just as
the verbs J^'J do before suffixes. {Cf. my Orammary §646.) I
may add that some old editions have the marginal gloss VQl ^ .
2. ii^'B.
lXp^2 , in the expression Mp'13 MT1D , for which Kohnt (8. i;.
Mp^ 1) compares ot^l and ^Uo, is the same asSyriac \L^
{JAOS., Vol. XX, Part I, p. 194) " white "(?). Cf. also vjUbt
"piebald," *jUj "be colored partly black, partly white," ^jXr
" piebaldness," Maltese bltlqa "blackishness," Ethiopic balaq
"marble." i/vji-j = v-SJL> , probably connected with bba "to
mix." ^
3. K33.
T ~
In the TargUm this word means (1) molar ^ cheek-tooth, and
(2) tooth in general. In the Talmud it also occurs in both
senses ; but R. Qanan'el in A. Z. 28a, as well as Rashl, ad loo
248
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Etymological Notes 249
translate the word by gums. In M. Q. 25a and 28a Rashl
translates it D'^rtb, which may mean cheeks, as well as jaws,
Tosaphot, B:all. 596, A. Z. 28a, and Gitt. 69a object to Rashl's
translation, ''gums." The word goes back to Amh. k&kka ''to
rough-grind,'' and is, therefore, equivalent in meaning to Arab.
^^Lb, Hebr. WriilD. Hence Chamir qaktl "cheek," qaktla
"molar." The stem «55 is connected with -p3, 333, '©53 =
']TD3, 'pn, and "pn. Cf. Tigrft nftkak "jaw," Hausa nikka
" to grind," Saho-* Afar mingaga "cheek, jaw," Galla mangaga
"molar," Amh. mangaga "jaw, molar," Eth. mankas "jaw,"
Arab. E^U. "tooth," Kafa haqo "cheek," hAjeto "tooth,"
*Afar-Saho iko "tooth," Chamir-Bilin er^k, Quara yerktt,
Agaumeder erktl, Galla ilka, Somali ilig "tooth," Bilin
quana "jaws, cheeks," Quara enjo, Amh. guinc "cheek,"
Hebr. Ipl "palate," D^'*3H "gums." It is evident from the
above that M33 might have had the meanings cheek, jaw, and
gums, given by the commentators mentioned.
4. «133.
TT •
S'lM, Hebr. 1133, Arab. ^\S and SjU5, are dissimilated
forms of Amh. kirftr "six-stringed lyre," from a |/*'TT3 "to
sing." Cf, Amh. akrarra "to sing" = agArrAra "to sing a
song in war or on the chase."
5. -pa.
Littmann (ZJ.., Vol. XIV, p. 89, note 1) suggests that
Hebrew- Aramaic "pQ, -^j is connected with Tigr6 mAna
"create, invent." This is a very good suggestion, as all the sig-
nifications of the word can easily be developed from the primitive
meaning. For the sense of kind we may compare the use of
tlS'^'ISl or roS'^'^Sl in later Hebrew, where it means the natural,
normal state of a thing and is synonymously used with H^^in,
t\WT]5 , fTQTp , yvD** , and 'j'^ . In the sense of people it would
be equivalent to iT^Sl, plural t\i'H3, "creatures, people"; while
the sense of heretic might have developed from the idea of invent-
ing. I am, however, inclined to separate 'j'^H in the last-men-
tioned sense from the word meaning kind and people, and to
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250 Hbbbaioa
derive it from iXLo '^village" (Barton^ Pilgrimage to AUMedinah
and Mekkah^ Memorial edition, Vol. II, p. 180, note 1), &IX»
**va8t garden" (Dozy). Thus it would have developed on the
same lines as VTHH 05 (c/. Oesenius' Dictionary^ 13th ed., 8, v.
I D?) and our "pagan" and "heathen."
6. irp^TO.
M^W , l^-Do^ , originally yoUcy comes to mean bratn, as the
skull is compared to an egg-shell ; cf, \i^^ ^'egg^ skull." Under
its influence the reverse development takes place with |^a^,
X>o , originally brain^ then yoUc. The word is a transposition of
Sp'I'fia, j/p*ffl = i/p"^ "to be of a yellow color ;" hence probably
also p"rQ "soup, broth." A phonetic variant is t^^o:^, hence
Arab. jJi.
7. «n"02«.
Babylonian Aramaic Mn'*32SV " female" is the same as Assyrian
sin(n)i§tu and is derived ^om a stem "pSlD , which in south-
Arabic has the sense of Hebr. 3p3 . Thus MFt'O^lS = •^P^ » &i^d
the Assyrian word is a transposed form for si^intu.
The stems Arab. .Jo , ^Ju , y^ , yd^ , ^Juo , Hebr, "IflQ, *ITB,
in, Tn, Aram. Tn, Syr. if^, Tfia ♦ntM (for ITDO, with
partial assimilation of labial to the dental sibilant), show two
significations which cannot easily be connected : to scatter y dis-
perscy dissipate, and to change, which latter develops, on the one
hand, into the idea of haste, precociotLsness; on the other hand,
into that of rottenness, foul smell, dirtiness, moral turpitude.
Here belong j^^ = ^(^jo "be rotten," *TO3 = ]ioJ^ = ^dJi "rot-
ten;"* Tfia midir "excrement," Maltese bz^r "dung, marl;'^
Eth. meder and cognates "earth," literally "dirt;" Arab.
ilo\^ "indecent talk" (Dozy); Tfia minzir "debauchee." The
idea of change is clearly apparent in the Tfia mAnAzzArft "to
iThe fonn of ^7%) is like that of 137^)3* usnally taken to be a shortened form of
*t37^1Qp t hut more probably a qutUU-torm, In "ttllQ >- 1^*^ we iroold hare Hebrew
q^tMU *- Syriao qatttd, a reUtion oanally f oond in rererse order.
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Etymologioal N0TB8 251
change silver for salt-money," minzare "change," Hebr "IJlb
"sum of exchange for the bride" (with change of sibilant to
guttural; c/. my Aramaic Orammar^ § 26, and "Additions and
Corrections" to it); ^TTQ = Tju "to hasten." The Arab, .jo,
^4X^9 yo have also amplified stems o^Ju, OxiX^ (0/. Dozy,
8. tw.), and *^y*J (c/. below).
The Hebr. "ITO^ has two significations: (1) mongrely cross-
breed, offspring of a mixed marriage, and (2) bastard, unlawful
child, child bom in adultery. Both meanings have been pre-
served in the Arabic. The first is Egyptian Arab. ^La^CCj "one
whose parents are not of the same nationality, cross-breed"
(Spiro), which is transposed from ^^yjo ; the other is o%jJj9
"spendthrift," which Clermont-Ganneau has discovered to mean
also bastard {OLZ., Vol. Ill, p. 31).*
9. "wa.
r I •
This word has already been connected by Wellhausen with
"WSU ; but as the etymology of the latter word has been hitherto
unclear, the etymological explanation of this connection could
also not be evident. The Tfia furnishes now a clue to it. It has
minzArrat "great -great -great -grandfather." The idea of
change and passing away are closely connected, as in TibH , \_n\r- .
The remote ancestor would then mean one who has passed away;
then, through the meaning ancestor, head of the family, would
develop into ^ffSO = 3M "leader, counselor," etc. If the equation
•ita = *^rra = "irta be correct, then ^tT2 will correspond to the
Assyr. mabrtl.
10. narftbu.
Assyr. narftbu seems to be the cognate of Arab. Jb and
the stem from which we get rM"lS hare; cf my Grammar^
p. 211, note 2.
a Interesting is the use of npp'C as a verb: IJ^IQ IJ nbxb yOf^p r\tf "IPP^T
IJJJ T\y\rri "and he (i.e., Saadya GaOn) proved himself to be a "iTpip ("D'^TJ ^^) ^7
olaiming to be of pnre Jewish descent.'* Cf. Harkavy, Leben u, Werk€ 8aadid'$ Oaon,
Vol. I, p. 280.
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ISooit Notices*
PRINCE'S DANIEL COMMENTARY.'
This commentary is ''designed especially for students of the English
Bible" — the title informs us — but it will prove of interest and value to
students of the original. It discusses first, in the " General Introduction,''
pp. 1-66, the ancient translations of the book (rather briefly), its contents,
unity, authorship, date, and the historical material contained therein-
The ''Critical Commentary," pp. 57-198, presents full notes on selected
phrases and sentences of the English Bible, with occasional longer dis-
cussions on the contents and analysis of the chapters and some of the
more important subjects, e. g,, Shinar, the Chaldaeans, overthrow of the
new Babylonian empire, etc. The technical points are reserved for the
" Philological Commentary," pp. 195-259. There are five additional notes,
pp. 260-65, and four indices: of subjects, of Aramaic, Assyrian, and
Hebrew words and stems.
Professor Prince divides the book of Daniel into two parts : chaps.
1-6 (the stories), 7-12 (the visions). The unity of the book is defended,
though the use of older materials is freely conceded. Only one explana-
tion of the bilingual character of Daniel is admitted to be possible : parts
of the Hebrew text being lost, an Aramaic translation was put in their
place. Reasons against the exilic date are fully stated, and the com-
position put into the Maccabean age. The discussion of the historical
material is full and careful, on the whole, of course, unfavorable to the
historicity of the stories. The possibility of a connection of the hero of
the book with the Daniel of Ezekiel is dismissed rather sumnmrilv* Yet
may not the Daniel of Ezekiel be the starting-point of the Daniel stories,
or at least the reason why the tradition places Daniel in the exile ? Bel-
shazzar is the son of the last king of Babylon, but never king himself.
The interpolation of Darius the Mede must be regarded as the most
glaring inaccuracy of the book of Daniel."
Many useful remarks are contained in the critical commentary. Of
special value, even for the professional student, are the notes on such
subjects as the Chaldaeans, pp. 59 8qq, ; the Greeks in Assyro-Babylonian
inscriptions, pp. 78 8g. ; fall of Babylon, pp.92 agg.; Medes and Persians,
pp. 116 agg., etc. Professor Prince has collected a large amount of
material and presented it in a very convenient form. In the interpretation
of •pD'IBI bpn VCi12 Mtt — tli© subject of his own doctorate thesis — he
1 A Critical Commentabt on ths Book of Danibl. Designed especially for Students
of the English Bible. By J. Dyneley Prince, Professor of Semitic Languages in New York
University. New York: CKarU9 Scribner'B Sons; Leipsig: J. C. Hinriefu'tche Buehhand-
hkno,m», Tiii+270pp. $2.
252
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Book Notices 253
follows Clermont-Ganneau and translates: "There have been counted
a mina [Nebuchadrezzar], a shekel [Belshazzar], and (two) half minas
[Medes and Persians]/' It may be an Aramaic translation of a Babylonian
proverb, with some historical tradition as its basis. The "son of man''
is not the Messiah. The term is correctly explained "a human being,"
a symbol of the saints. The end of the seventy weeks of Daniel falls
into 164 B. C. (the restoration of the temple worship).
Perhaps the most important service which this commentary does for
us is the use which Professor Prince makes of the cuneiform inscriptions
in the interpretation of the book of Daniel. The results of his special
studies appear on every page, especially in the philological commentary,
and are of great value. One wishes that the discussion were sometimes
fuller. Some points brought out are doubtful : the identity of ^3 and ^,
p. 195 (c/. Lindberg, Vergleichende Orammatik, p. 93) ; the connection
between T3B^S and Istar-apal-UQur, p. 195; S'HS and the Assyrian
barfl "to be hungry," p. 199; U'^Q, = -jlp "^Sl, p. 207. (Better Marti,
§ 94c ; Dalman, § 55, ijC2 *lSl). The* process by which the stem nbs "to
split" acquired the meaning "to worship" or "serve" is rather fanciful
(c/. Delitzsch, ProL, pp. 176 «g.). But thanks are due to the author for
the rich collection of material and its clear presentation.
The treatment of the text is careful and conservative ; many emenda-
tions proposed by others are rejected.
The arrangement of the book might be criticised. Undoubtedly it
will prove convenient to the class of students for whom it is primarily
intended. Some of the longer notes would perhaps be more convenient
in the introduction. A section might have been added on the place of
Daniel in the Jewish religious history. There is no bibliography in the
book, though the references to books are very full. The list of abbrevia-
tions is not complete ; abbreviations like J., p. 68 ; P. D., p. 76 ; R., p. 76 ;
M., p. 77 (in the English commentary I) can hardly be understood by the
general reader. To write a critical commentary on the book of Daniel is
no easy task in view of the many problems involved. It is even more
difficult to present the latest results of critical research in a popular way.
Professor Prince undertook this difficult task, and did his work, on the
whole, in an admirable manner. Alois BXbta.
Thb UinyBBSiTT of Chxoaoo.
STBACK'S THE BLOOD IN THE BELIEF AND IN THE
SUPERSTITION OF MANKIND.'
Although it is but a simple duty to tell the truth, still this duty is
shirked by many even truthful men, not to speak of those moral degen-
erates who are bent on spreading falsehoods. The author of this book,
iDab BiiXTT Df Olaubbit THfD Absbolaubsn dbb Mbnbchhsit. Hit beeonderer
Berttoksiohtiinmff der *' VoUumediiin ** nnd des *'jadi8chen Blntrltaa." Von Hermann L.
Straek. Ftknfte bis siebente Anflage, 12.-17. Tausend. (Nenbearbeitang der Schrift Der
BhUaberglaube,) Mfinohen: C, O, BeeVtche Verlag$lmchhandluno (Otkar Beck), 1900.
xii-i-206pp.;8TO. M.2. (= Bohiittexk dm ImtUuiumJHdaicum in Berlin, lio,lL)
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264 Hbbbaioa
who has the manly courage to come out openly and to proclaim the
truth, well knowing that he would have to suffer for it, as he did, cer-
tainly deserves the thanks of every right-minded man, whatever his,
religious affiliation be. The work contains a wealth of data, cuUed from
mediaeval and modem literatiue, which is interesting alike to the folk-
lorist as well as to the lawyer, to the physician as well as to the theologian,
to the historian as well as to every educated man. Let us hope that the
work will achieve its purpose to shed light on the sad blood-superstition
and to terminate the blood-accusations which disgrace modem Chris-
tianity. C. LiviAS-
Thb Hebbbw Unioh Gollbob,
ClDcinnatUO.
SCHLESSINGEB'S OLD FEENCH WORDS IN THE MACHSOB
VITEY.'
Li spite of the abundant extant material of early French texts with
Hebrew characters, it may be said that almost nothing has heretofore
been done that will stand the scrutiny of the philologist of today.
Bohmer touched the subject only superficially, while Ars^ne Darmesteter,
who alone possessed the proper critical acumen and philological train-
ing in both the Hebrew and Romance fields, died just as he had under-
taken to investigate the French glosses in Bashi's commentaries. The
present investigation, which is carried on in the spirit which Darmeeteter
would have sanctioned, is therefore a gratifying beginning. Let us hope
that before long will follow other glosses, but especially complete texts,
such as is the valuable work on mediaeval medicine which Steinschneider
has described at some length in the catalogue of the Berlin Imperial
Library. In the present collection from the Machsor Vitry, French
scholars will find an abundant harvest of new words, while those who
are interested in any aspect of mediaeval life will be glad to discover a
few new illustrations of the culinary art, the botany, and the domestic
life of French Jews in the thirteenth century. l^q Wisnbb.
Habvabd Uniyibsttt,
Cambridge, Mass.
SALOMON BUBEB'S LATEST WOBKS.'
Solomon Buber, the editor of these two works, has been for many
years one of the best-known scholars in rabbinical literature. A well-
to-do merchant in Lemberg, at present in his seventy-fourth year, he
devotes his time to Hebrew literature, and with special predilection
to Midrash. He has edited several important books of the Midrash
1 Dm ALTFEANzOsiaoHEN WObtbr zm Maohsob ViTmT naoh der Ansgabe dee Vereins
*Mekise Nirdamim." Von Dr. GnstaT Sohlessinger. Mains: Joh. WirtK§eh0 Hofbmek-
druchsrei a.-0,<, 1899. lOi pp. ; 8to.
2Mn>sA8CR EcHA Rabbathi. Sammlang agadisoher Anslegongen der Klagelieder.
Herausgegeben naoh einer Handsohrift ana der BiUiothek m Bom, ood. J. 1. 4, und einer
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Book Notices 255
literature. Thirty-six years ago he published, for the first time, the
Pesiqtha, the famous work whose existence and nature Zunz had proven
from quotations, and which, when found, showed how correct his infer-
ences had been. This time Buber presented us with the Midrash to
Lamentations. It consists of two parts of almost equal size, the one
called ^^Pethi^atha," introduction, the other the real Midrash. Like
all w(^ks of this literature, these two are homilies for the subject of
which these books were chosen, from which scriptural lessons were
selected for the services at the synagogue. Buber's editions are always
testimonies of sound scholarship and of an admirably exact method.
He gives, in a note, text-critical remarks based on careful weighing of
the various texts, explanatory remarks, and finally very valuable parallels
from rabbinical literature. It is sufScient to say that this Midrash on
Lamentations comes up fully to the standard of Buber's older editions
of the Pesiqtha, of the Than^uma, and other publications by the learned
editor.
Less fortunate Buber is in his views on the origin of these works. He
places the Midrash on Lamentations in the fourth century. Zunz, and*
following him, Isaac H. Weiss, in his Hebrew work on rabbinical litera-
ture, maintained that this book originated not earlier than the seventh
century. To give a positive decision on these matters is absolutely
impossible. Our rabbinical literature is in a hopeless condition as
regards the chronology of its origin. Copyists, and even printers, have
acted very freely in this respect, by arbitrary changes, interpolations,
and additions from other similar works. Their interest was exclusively
limited to the contents of the literature ; the history of the texts and the
author were of no consequence. It is certainly typical for this state of
affairs that author and age of the most popular hymn of the synagogue,
"Adon 01am," are unknown, and that of the greatest Hebrew poet of the
Middle Ages, Jehuda Halevi, a great many poems are preserved, including
those which he wrote in the declining years of his life, while we do not
know where and when he died, although younger contemporaries speak
of him after his death. This lack of interest in the external side of lit-
erature is a fact which cannot be remedied any more. But, on the other
hand, it seems to have stimulated some lovers of literature to antedate
these works as much as they can.
The second work is of minor interest. It is a mere compilation of
rabbinical homilies selected from various sources, and arranged in the
order of the psalms. The author gives his name as Makir ben Abba
Mari, and the whole pedigree of his family up to seven generations. He
is otherwise unknown, but the family name seems to prove that he was
Handsohrift dee British Mneenm, ood. 27060. Kritiech bearbeitet, oommeDtiert and mit einer
Einleiton^ Teraehen. Von Salomon Buber in Lemberg. Wilna : Wittwe db OebrHder Bomm^
1899. 77-t-161pp. fr.2.50.
Jalkut Macrisi, Sammluns halaohischer nnd hagadischer SteUen ana Talmnd nnd
Midraschim zn den 150 Psalmen Ton Machir ben Abba Mari. Znm erston Male naoh einer
Handsohrift heranageffoben mit Bemerknngen, genaner Indiciening der Qnellenangaben*
Varianten and einer Einleitang rereehen. Von Salomon Baber. Berdyciew: J. SchefUl,
1899. Part 1, 18-1-854 pp.; Part II, 294 pp. fr. 7.
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256 Hbbbaica
a native of southern France, and liyed in the thirteenth or fourteenth
century. He made similar selections on Proverbs, Job, Isaiah, Jeremiah,
Ezekiel, and the Minor Prophets, but only some are extant. A similar
work was undertaken by a man called Simeon Kara, who is supposed to
have lived in Frankfurt, a. M., during the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries. It extends over the whole Bible, and is called Yalkut Simeoni,
i. e., the compilation of Simeon, as ours is called the compilation of Makir.
While in this book the editor has less opportunity of displaying his stu-
pendous knowledge of rabbinical literature, he is entitled to grateful
acknowledgment for his accuracy in editing the text. Unfortunately,
Hebrew books can nowadays hardly be printed anywhere outside of
Bussia, where typesetters and proofreaders can be obtained at a price
low enough for the limits of the Jewish book market ; consequently the
paper is not what it ought to be, but the types are very clear, and the
proofreading is very exact. Q.. Dsutsoh.
Thb Hbbbbw Union Gollbqb,
Cincimiati, O.
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GEKEEAL IISDEX.
VOIiUMlD XVI.
A^il^ar, The Story of , and the Book of Daniel - - - 242
Amama Time, Niebuhr on the 189
Aphraates' gospel text, collated with that of the Sinaitic, Cure-
tonian, and Peshitta text - 110
Arabic Grammar, Wright's 60
Text of a Syriac- Arabic Narrative of Miracles of Jesus 37, 187
^jjftl^ 221
Arabic Version of the Epistle of Dionysius the Areopcigi^e to
Timothy, W. Scott Watson 225
Aramaic Idiom, Grammar of the, contained in the Babylonian
Talmud 88
etymologies 248
«57Q, tk^r^y «33 248
«^33,rB*- ' ^^
»r^pV2> van:iw 250
Ark, contents of the 214
Assyrian words explained :
Ubsukenna 206
bftrfl(tu) 211,223
d(t)up8imati 207
zagmuku 206
am§i ka-mi-rum --------- 221
kasapu, kusApu 33
kispu 35
kuppuru 219
luxxusu 221
masAru or magarru 50
muskinu 222
narAbu 251
nflbattu 32
pasaxu, pu§8uxu 220
257
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258 Hebbaiga
Assyrian words explained :
(amei) qardamu 223
sabrft 196
sinni^tu 250
tarlmtu 222
ilu tas-me-tum 210
tertu 211,222
Babylonian Talmud, A Grammar of the Aramaic Idiom contained
in the 83
Bfthr on Urim and Thummim 201
BXbta, Alois, Review of Prince's Commentary on Daniel 252
Barton, Oeobgb A., Some Contracts of the Persian Period from
the Kh' Collection of the University of Pennsylvania - 65
The Story of Al^i^^ur and the Book of Daniel - - - 242
Baudissin, Bellarmin, Benzinger, on Urim and Thummim 200, 202, 203
Benzinger on the early history of the Ark 214
Bbbby, Oeobob Biokbb, The Interpretation of Oren. 6:8 47
The Assyrian Word madftru or magarru - - - - 50
Bbweb, Julius A., A Collation of the Gospel Text of Aphraates
with that of the Sinaitic, Curetonian, and Peshitta Text - 110
Book Notices:
BvbeTy Midrasch Echa Rabbathi, and Jalkut Machiri - 255
BuchhoUz, Geschichte der Juden in Eiga 127
KrauaSf Griechische und Lateinische LehnwOrter im Talmud,
Midrasch und Targum, Teil II 190
Krengely Das Hausgerftt in der Misnah 59
Niebuhr, Die Amama Zeit 189
Payne Smithy A Compendious Syriac Dictionary - 125
Prince, A Critical Commentary on the Book of Daniel - 252
Schlesainger, Die altfranzOsischen WOrter im Machsor Vitry - 255
Strack, Das Blut im Glauben und Aberglauben der Menschheit 253
Thureau-Dangin, Recherches sur I'Origine de T^riture Cun^i-
forme. Supplement 189
Wright, A Grammar of the Arabic Language - - - - 60
Bbiogs, Emilie Grace, nbc 1
Bbuce, Pbeston p.. Three Inscriptions of Nabopolassar, King of
Babylonia (B. C. 625-604) 178
Buber's Midrasch Echa Rabbathi, and Jalkut Machiri - - 255
Buttenwieseb, M., Review of Erengel, Das Hausgerftt in der Misnah 59
Digitized by
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General Index 259
Casanowioz, I. M., Review of Buehholtz, Oeschichte der Juden in
Riga bis zur Begrtlndung der Rigischen Hebrfiergemeinde
imJ. 1842 127
CSxeyne on the contents of the Ark 214
Collation of the Oospel Text of AphracUea with that of the
SinaitiCy Curetonian, and Peshitta Text, Julius A. Bewer 110
Contracts of the Persian period 65
Ck)NTBIBUTED NOTES .*
Assyrian Word masAru or magarru 50
Isaiah 8:6 51
Muhammeds Lehre von der Offenbarung .... 52, 124
The Syriac- Arabic Narrative of the Miracles of Jesus 187
Cook, Stanley A., Notes on the Composition of 2 Samuel 145
Cuneiform Writing, Origin of the 189
Curetonian text of the gospels 110
Daniel, Book of, and the story of AJi^^ar 242
A New Commentary on the Book of 252
Davies, T. W., on Urim and Thummim 203
Deinabd, S. N., a Note on Isaiah 8:6 51
Deutsch, O., Review of Salomon Ruber's edition of Midrasch Echa
Rabbathi and of the Jalkut Machiri 255
Dionysius the Areopagite's Epistle to Timothy .... 225
Doctrine of Freedom in the Koran, Walter M. Patton - - 129
Driver on Urim and Thummim 203
Epistle of Dionysius the Areopagite to Timothy, Arabic V^ion
of the 225
Etymology of purm 206
" Urim and Thummim 218
nCB 220
Etymological Notes, C. Lfevias 248
Freedom in the ^orftn. Doctrine of 129
Gen. 6 : 3, Interpretation of 47
Oospel text of Aphraates, collated with that of the Sinaitic,
Curetonian, and Peshitta text 110
Grammar of the Aramaic Idiom contained in the Babylonian
Talmud, C. Levias 83
Greek and Latin Loan- Words in Talmud, Midrash, and Targum 190
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260 Hbbbaioa
Hebrew :
trn!|» 218
i-ia 1 Sam. 17:8 223
n-'na 223
•pT Gen. 6:3 48
D-'Bttin 223
■jrfe and lab 221
■©3 219
njnb 220
■lb 222
TTS 249
nrar 250
-ITM 251
nbo 1
noB 220
'j-'Sn 51
3 bssip 198
n-^in 222
D-'Wl 218
Inscriptions of Nabopolassar, Three 178
Interpretation of Oen, 6 : 5, George Bicker Berry, - - - 47
Isaiah 8:6 51
Jewish liturgy, Selah in the 5
Jews in Biga 127
Johnston, Chbistopheb, On a Passage in the Babylonian Nimrod
Epic 30
Josephus, Antiquities^ III, 8, 9 197, 199
Ealisch, Eautzsch, Enobel, and KOhler on Urim and Thum-
mim 200, 201, 204
Lamentations, Agadic Interpretations of the Book of - - 255
Levias, C, a Grammar of the Aramaic Idiom contained in the
Babylonian Talmud (concluded) 83
Etymological Notes 248
Beview of : Erauss, Griechische und Lateinische LehnwOrter im
Talmud, Midrasch und Targum, Teil II - - - - 190
Strack, Das Blut im Glauben und Aberglauben der Menschheit 253
Digitized by
Google
Gbnbbal Index 261
Maooonald, Dunoan B., Muhammeds Lehre von der Offenbarung 124
Review of Wright's Arabic Grammar 60
Makir ben Abba Man's Yalkut Machiri 255
Midrash, Greek and Latin loan-words in the .... 190
EchaRabbathi 255
Miracles of Jesus, A Syriac- Arabic Narrative of - • - 87, 187
Muhammed on "revelation" 52, 124
Muhammeda Lehre von der Offenbarung^ Otto Pautz - - • 52
Muhammeds Lehre von der Offenbarung, Duncan B. Macdonald 124
Muss-Abnolt, W., The Urim and Thummim : a Suggestion as to
their Original Nature and Significance - - • - 193
Mutakallims and Mu'tazilites 181
Nabopolassar, Three Inscriptions of 178
Niebuhr on the Amama Time 189
Nimrod Epic, On a Passage in the Babylonian • - - - 30
Note on Isaiah 8: 6, S. N. Deinard 51
Notes on the Composition of 2 Samuel, Stanley A. Cook - • 145
Nowack on Urim and Thummim 202
Old French Words in the Machsor Vitry 255
Old Testament, Selah in the 1
Old Testament passages :
Gen. 6:3 47
Exod. 12:7 219
Exod.24:12; 31:18 215
Exod, 28:13-30 193
Lev. 8:7, 8 194
Numb. 27:21 197
Deut.33:8 194
ISam. 14:41; 28:3-6 195,196
1 Sam. 17:8 223
2 Sam. 20:18 224
Isa. 8:6 51
Isa. 47:13 223
Ezra 2:63 = Neh. 7:66 197,213
Ecclu8.33:3 197
On a Passage in the Babylonian Nimrod Epic, Christopher
Johnston 30
Origin of the Cuneiform Writing 189
Original nature and significance of the Urim and Thummim - 193
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Google
262 Hebbaioa
Patton, Waltbb M., The Doctrine of Freedom in the l^orftn 12S^
Pautz, Otto, Muhammeds Lehre yon der Offenbarong - 52
Payne Smith's Compendious Syriac Dioticmary ... - 12B
Persian Period, Some Contracts of the - 65
Peshitta text of the gospels 110
Philo on Urim and Thummim 20O
Pbiob> Ira M., Beview of : Die Amama Zeit 18^
Thnreau-Dangin, Becherches sur POrigine de F^jcritme
Cun^forme 189
Prince'a Critical Commentary on the Book of Daniel 252
Psalms'of Solomon, Selah in the 4
Piirim, etymology of 206
^orftn, The Doctrine of Freedom in the 129
Samuel, Second Book of. Notes on the Composition of 145
Sohleesinger's Old French Words in the Maohsor Vitry 255
Schwally and W. Bobertson Smith on Urim and Thummim 201, 202
Selahy Emilie Orace Briggs 1
Sinaitic text of the gospels 110
Some Contracts of the Persian Period from the Kh^ Collection of
the University of Pennsylvania^ George A. Barton - - 65
Story of A^ikar and the Book of Daniel, George A. Barton 242
Strack on Urim and Thummim - 202
Strack's Treatise on the Blood in the Belief and the Superstition
of Mankind 25a
SyriaC'Arabic Narrative of Miracles of Jesus, W. Scott Watson 87
Syriac Dictionary, Payne Smith's Compendious - - - - 125
Tablets of Destiny, The 207
Tablets of Destiny and the Urim and Thummim - - - - 211
Talmud, A Grammar of the Aramaic Idiom contained in the
Babylonian - - 83^
Greek and Latin loan-words in the 190
Targum, Greek and Latin loan-words in the .... igQ
Thenius-LOhr on Urim and Thummim 204
Theories concerning Selah 12
Three Inscriptions of Nabopolassarf King of Babylonia, Preston
P.Bruce 178
Thummim, The Urim and 193-
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Genbbal Indbx 263
Thureau-Dangin on the Origin of the Cuneiform Writing - - 189
Timothy, An Arabic Version of the Epistle of Dionysius the Areo-
pagite to Timothy 226
Tobit, Book of, and Atitar 242
ToBBEY, Chables C, The Syriac- Arabic Narrative of the Miracles
of Jesus 187
Traditions concerning Selah 9
Urim and Thummim, a Suggestion as to their Original Nature
and Significance, W. Muss-Amolt 193
Watson, W. Scott, A Syriac- Arabic Narrative of Miracles of Jesus 37
An Arabic Version of the Epistle of Dionysius the Areopagite
to Timothy 225
Wellhausen on Urim and Thummim 201
WiENEB, Leo, Review of Schlessinger's Old French Words in the
Machsor Vitry 254
Wilson, B. D., Beview of Payne Smith's Compendious Syriac
Dictionary 125
Yalkut Machiri, edition of 255
Ztl-legend, Babylonian 208
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i<r3
THEOLOGICAL AND SEMITIC LITERATURE
A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL SUPPLEMENT
TO THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY. THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OP SEMITIC LANGUAGES
AND LITERATURES. AND THE BIBLICAL WORLD
BY W. MUSS-ARNOLT
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Clapperton, J. A. Pitfalls in Bible
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XVI
THEOLOGICAL AND SEMITIC LITERATURE
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SERMONIC LITERATURE.
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THEOLOGICAL AND SEMITIC LITERATURE
A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL SUPPLEMENT
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AND LITERATURES
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IV
THEOLOGICAL AND SEMITIC LITERATURE
Talmud de Babylone, Le. Texte complet
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THE PROPHETS.
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THEOLOGICAL AND SEMITIC LITERATURE
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Frankel, S. Zur Sprache des hebr.
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A r^sum^.
Kautzsch, E. Die Apokryphen und
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cus ? ET, D./99, 139-42 ; F., 1900,234.
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Professor Margoliouth and the
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Ecclus. 43 : 4^. In Reply to Pro-
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GRAMMAR AND TEXT ; TRANSLATIONS.
Arnaud. Essai sur le car. de la lang.
grccquc du N. T. (suite et fin.) RThQR,^
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Novum Testamentum graece cum appa-
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Testamentum, Novum, graece. Recensuit
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Ed. academica XX. ad ed. VIIL criti-
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Nestle, E. Pilatus als Heiliger. ZDMG.,
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Menzies, A. The Lord's Supper: St.
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HBRMENEUTICS AND CRITICISM.
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THEOLOGICAL AND SEMITIC LITERATURE
XXV
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Beitrag z. Ethik. Tiibingen : Laupp,
*99; iii, 91 pp. M. 2.
E. PRACTICAL THEOLOGY AND ALLIED SUBJECTS.
GENERAL.
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Ind., 28 D., *99.
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liches. BAZ,, 29 Je., '99.
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45
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THEOLOGICAL AJSID SEMITIC LITERA TURE
Deane, a. C. The Churchman's Politics.
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English Church Kalendar and Ecclesiasti-
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THEOLOGICAL AND SEMITIC LITERATURE xxxi
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xxxii THEOLOGICAL AND SEMITIC LITERATURE
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HOMILBTICS AND CATECHBTICS.
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